INTRODUCTION The history of the investigation of
the Stone
Age in Estonia dates back more than 100 years. The beginning of this scientific
research is
connected with Andreas Constantin Grewingk (18191887), Professor of Geology at
the University of Tartu in the second half of the 19th century, who also lectured on
archaeology (Rõõmusoks 1982, 197). Among his numerous publications, the
investigations
connected with Kunda Lammasmägi (Grewingk 1882; 1884), and
the systematisation and mapping of the Stone Age finds from the Baltic provinces of his
days
(e.g. Grewingk 1865, 1871) should be mentioned. His diverse knowledge of biology,
zoology, and
first of all his profession of geologist-mineralogist enabled him to investigate the
relations between the Stone Age finds and the natural environment and to identify the
rock materials
of ancient artefacts and animal bones found from Kunda. The main problem was the lack of
finds. In 1865, when Grewingk published his first investigation, only 14 Stone
Age finds
were known in present-day Estonian territory (Tallgren 1922, 23), and no significant
excavations were carried out at Stone Age sites in the 19th century.
After the death of Grewingk, Stone Age investigations remained at an
amateur
level for a long time. A few articles discussing the Stone Age were written by
Richard Hausmann, Professor of History at Tartu University (18421918; Hausmann
1904; 1912), whose research mostly centred on the Iron Age, but more influential were the
Baltic German amateur
archaeologists
assembled in the Antiquarian Society of Pärnu. They collected Stone Age artefacts,
but also to
some extent did research and carried out excavations. Particularly active was a
doctor from Vändra, Martin Bolz (18681917), who collected 500 ancient
artefacts, mostly stone axes and chisels, from Viljandi and Pärnu districts (Kriiska 1997c,
2728). Bolz documented and mapped his finds thoroughly, and published a catalogue of his
collection (Bolz 1914b), and also carried out the excavations of the Stone Age
burial site at Kivisaare (Bolz 1914a).
In Pärnu, the consul Friedrich Rambach (18531916) and the veterinarian
Eduard Glück (18661918) were interested in and collected Stone Age
finds. The
greater part of the collection of Glück, 774 objects made mostly of bone and antler,
was gathered in 19041905 from the gravel at the bottom of Pärnu River
(Kriiska
1997c, 2527). He also published the greater part of his collection and wrote a survey of
the Stone Age (Glück 1906). Rambach's collection consists of more than 500 objects
made mostly of bone and antler, gathered from the banks of Pärnu and Reiu rivers
(Indreko 1926). Later, and until the 1940s, the collecting for the Pärnu
Prehistory Society for Antiquities was continued by the
brewer Eduard Bliebernicht (19021943). He developed active co-operation with
professional
archaeologists (Kriiska 1997c, 28) and also published his finds (Bliebernicht 1924).
In the 1920s the number of Stone Age finds increased but was still
relatively
small and uneven. According to an estimate by Aarne Michaël Tallgren
(18851945)
(1922, 23) nearly 900 stone finds and about 1900 bone and antler artefacts were known
at that time. Most of these came from two main sites Kunda and the lower reaches
of the Pärnu River. In
his two-volume survey of Estonian prehistory, Tallgren, Professor of Archaeology at the
University of Tartu, presented a thorough outline of the Stone Age, discussing
artefacts and sites of discovery as well as general cultural and chronological problems
(Tallgren 1922).
In the mid-1920s, Richard Indreko (19001961) began his
career as a researcher of the Stone
Age. He was educated at the University of Tartu by Tallgren and Birger Nerman. He
initially concentrated his interest on the Mesolithic, studying the area on the northern
shore of Lake
Võrtsjärv, previously known for stray finds (he excavated the settlement sites
of Siimusaare and Moksi), and in 19331937 carried out archaeological excavations on Kunda
Lammasmägi (Indreko 1936). Indreko, who fled to Sweden during the Second World War,
published the
results of his research in 1948 in a comprehensive monograph (Indreko 1948b). In it he
discussed all known Mesolithic sites and artefacts in Estonia, as well as the problems of the
origins of Kunda Culture. In the 1930s Indreko was also interested in the Neolithic period.
In
19331934 he excavated the cemeteries of the Corded Ware Culture in Ardu (Indreko 1938) and
Sope, and published a review on the burials of the Corded Ware Culture in Estonia (Indreko 1935).
At the end of the 1930s he turned his attention to Neolithic settlement sites. In
19361943 he excavated and carried out survey trips at the settlement sites of Akali,
Kroodi, Kullamäe, Lommi, Villa I, Tamula and Undva (Indreko 1948a). The settlement site of
Undva was the first archaeologically investigated Stone Age site on the Estonian islands.
Indreko's research into the Neolithic period were continued by
Lembit Jaanits, who graduated from the University of Tartu after the war. Jaanits has
discussed various
problems
of the Stone Age: chronology, settlement, artefact typology, ethnic aspects, religion, etc.
(Saluäär 2000). He has carried out archaeological excavations on more than ten
Mesolithic and Neolithic sites, including Akali, Kroodi, Kullamäe, Kääpa,
Narva Joaoru, Riigiküla III, Siimusaare, Tamula, Pulli, Valma, Villa I settlements
on the mainland, and the Kõnnu, Loona and Naakamäe settlements on Saaremaa.
He is the author of
all of the substantial general discussions of the Stone Age published in the post-war
years (Jaanits
1959b; Jaanits et al. 1982; Jaanits 1992). Since the end of the 1940s attention
was focused on Neolithic settlement and the extensive excavations of sites (Jaanits
1954; 1955;
1959a; 1959b). Especially important is the differentiation of Narva pottery from Late Comb
Ware, and their analysis. This was supplemented by the Russian archaeologist Nina Gurina
excavating the settlement sites of Riigiküla (I, II, III) in NE Estonia at the
beginning of the 1950s, the results of which have been published in a monograph (Gurina
1967).
In the 1960s1970s the investigation of the Mesolithic period was
resumed. The excavations of Narva Joaoru at the beginning of the 1960s, and the Early
Mesolithic settlement of Pulli from 19681973 and 19751976 should be mentioned
(Jaanits
& Jaanits 1975; 1978). These established the basis for the conclusions about the origins of
the Kunda
Culture (e.g. Jaanits et al. 1982, 32), as well as its development into the Narva Culture
(Jaanits 1970). At the end of the 1960s, Kaarel Jaanits began his research into the
Mesolithic period.
He has dealt mainly with the settlement sites of the Kunda Culture rich in flint in Central
Estonia (the excavations of the settlement sites of Jälevere, Lepakose and Umbusi), and also
with the typological analysis of flint artefacts (Jaanits 1973; 1981; 1989; Jaanits & Ilomets
1988, etc.).
While the sites one the Estonian coastal area have retained their
importance
throughout the history of Stone Age investigations, the Stone Age sites on the islands
have been
studied only sporadically. Up to the 1980s only the Neolithic, especially Late Neolithic,
sites on Saaremaa were known and had been investigated to some extent (Jaanits carried
out
excavations at the settlement sites of Loona, 19571959, Naakamäe, 19581959 and
1962, and Kõnnu, 19771986). Unfortunately, the material gathered in the excavations
has been only briefly discussed. Though the first Mesolithic settlement site on
the
islands was discovered by Vello Lõugas in 1986 (Pesti & Rikas 1991, 12), and based on
the absence of pottery in the trial pit he presumed that the Kõpu I settlement in
Hiiumaa, also dated from the Mesolithic period (Lõugas 1982). This opinion has
prevailed up to
the present day, expressed by Tanel Moora a couple of years ago: We may presume that,
being the
inhabitants of a forest zone, the people of the Mesolithic Kunda Culture were not yet
able to survive on seal hunting, which can be argued in the case of the Neolithic
inhabitants of Saaremaa (on the
basis of the finds from Kõnnu and Naakamäe settlements) and Hiiumaa (Kõpu)
(Moora 1998, 64).
In the 1990s, investigations of the Stone Age have become more
extensive with regard to the
number of researchers as well as research directions. In addition to archaeologists,
zoologists,
geologists and geographers have also been interested in the problems of Stone Age settlement and
economy. Though the co-operation between archaeologists and other scientists is known throughout
the history of Stone Age investigations, the number of researchers and their productivity
has increased in recent years. Substantial research of Stone Age fauna has been
performed,
especially concerning marine mammals and fish (Lõugas 1997). Pollen investigations of lake
and bog sediments have helped determine the human impact on the
environment in the Stone Age; the finds of pollen of Stone Age cereals are throughout Estonia (Veski 1998; Kriiska 2000,
tab. 1 etc.). Several scientific discussions of Stone Age pottery (Kalm 1996, Kalm et al.
1997) and stone finds (Suuroja 1996) have been published.
The search for new Stone Age sites has been intensive. Of the 115 known
sites of hunter-gatherer cultures, approximately 80 were discovered in the
1990s, 52
of these during the survey trips organized by the author. The focus has mainly been on the
coastal areas and especially the islands, where all the latest excavations of Stone Age sites
have taken place (a total of 12 settlement sites). The results obtained enable us to see the
settlement history of coastal areas and islands in a different perspective. The
archaeological problem of original settlement has received some answers, and the basis
has been established for conclusions
about economic history, and 14C datings enable
us to revise the absolute chronology of the Estonian Stone Age. These three subjects will
form the core
of the present publication. THE CHRONOLOGY OF THE ESTONIAN STONE AGE Chronology has been one of the central
subjects of Estonian Stone Age investigations, which practically none of the researchers since
Grewingk has neglected. The chronological systems of the 19th century were rather primitive and
were readily abandoned when new material was added. Thus, for example, Grewingk first
dated the end
of the specific Stone Age in the Eastern Baltic region to the 6th century AD
(1871, 49), and later to the
1st century AD (1874, 34).
Tallgren developed a longer-lasting chronology at the beginning of the 1920s
(1922). He drew a fundamental distinction between Stone Age cultures based on bone and
those based on stone,
establishing several chronological stages, using place-names known already as
appellatives
and connecting them with the phases of the Baltic Sea or megalith constructions: 1) Kunda
the period of Ancylus Lake (60005000 BC), 2) Võisiku the maximum
extent of
the Litorina Sea (50003000 BC), 3) Burtnieki the dolmen period and 4) Pärnu
the period from dolmens to passage graves. He also established the stages of the Combed
Ware Culture and the Boat Axe Culture. Tallgren's system persisted for years,
notwithstanding the
crushing though often unfounded criticism of Julius Ailio (Ailio 1924, 4650).
It has been only slightly adapted; for example the Pärnu stage became associated
with the Kunda Culture.
Absolute chronology was revised after the
introduction of the radiocarbon method. In
1959, the laboratory for geo-bio-chemistry was established at the Institute of Zoology and Biology of
the Academy of Sciences of the Estonian SSR (Lõugas 1988, 20), which has provided
the greater
part of
the 14C datings of the Estonian Stone Age. By the
1970s, about 20
samples of organic matter, mainly charcoal collected from Estonia's Stone Age sites, had
been analysed (Ilves et al. 1974). The absolute chronology developed on the basis
of these analyses persisted in broad outline for a couple of decades and has been
published in the
basic treatments on archaeology (Jaanits et al. 1982; Jaanits 1992). According to the
uncalibrated dating of the Pulli settlement site, the Mesolithic began in about 7500 BC. The changes
concerning Neolithic datings are minimal, the 14C datings were
mostly considered secondary and simply fit into existing schemes. Within the
Neolithic period,
Jaanits distinguished 2 sub-periods: the earlier period of hunter-gatherer economy,
30002200 years
BC, and the later period of hunter-gatherer and farming economy, 22001500 years BC (Jaanits
et al. 1982, 61). The introduction of pottery, marking the first Neolithic culture
Narva Culture was dated to about 3000 BC (Jaanits et al. 1982, 62). Though the Typical
Combed Ware Culture lacked the 14C datings definitely
connecting it with
this culture (two datings from Kääpa were presumably connected with it), its beginning was
dated, relying mostly on Latvian material, to about 2500 BC (Ilves et al. 1974, 190; Jaanits
et al. 1982, 76). The formation of the Late Combed Ware was dated, on the basis of the samples
form Tamula, to the end of the 3rd millennium, and the beginning of the Corded Ware Culture, relying
upon the earliest datings of Finnish and Lithuanian material, to 2200 BC (Jaanits & Liiva 1973, 159;
Liiva et al. 1974, 190; Jaanits et al. 1982, 102).
The new chronology of the Estonian Stone Age was presented by the author
in 1995. It was developed on the
basis of fresh research findings and the calibrations of the earlier datings,
and it is the foundation of the chronological system presented here. It has
been published in full only a couple
of times (Kivimäe et al. 1998; Kriiska et al. 1999). Those calibrations were made
on the basis of Gordon W. Pearsons and Minze Stuivers 14C calibration curve (Stuiver & Pearson 1993; Pearson & Stuiver 1993), mostly
with the help of the computer program OxCal v2. 18 cub r:4 sd:12 prob[chron]. Now a new program has
been developed CAL40DATA OxCal v2. 18 cub r:4 sd:12 prob[chron] which corrects the
datings quite remarkably, especially concerning the Early Mesolithic (125150 years), and to a
smaller extent also in later periods. The new calibrated chronology has been compiled in
this
system, and is first published in the present publication (Fig. 1). The comparative datings from the
neighbouring countries have also been calibrated in the same program. Hitherto we have 65 more or
less reliable Stone Age datings from Estonia, 23 of wich originate from the sites
excavated and inspected
by the author in the years 19941999 (Tab. 1). Three
reliable 14C
datings come from the oldest hitherto known settlement site of Pulli, from the beginning
of the Mesolithic: 9620±120 (Hel-2206A),
9600±120 (TA-245) and 9575±115 (TA-176) 14C years (Raukas
et al. 1995, 121). These belong, with at probability of 95.4 %, to the period
93008600
cal. BC, which makes the average 8950 cal BC, considering the probability of 68.2 % even 9000 years
cal BC. The Mesolithic archaeological complex in the Eastern Baltic bears the common name
of Kunda Culture. In Estonia about 50 Mesolithic settlement sites are known at present,
and some
burials in the Kivisaare cemetery in Central Estonia probably also date from the same
time. Naturally, it is
not homogenous throughout the 4000 years of existence, but comprises special local and
temporal features. The changes within the Mesolithic in the Eastern Baltic are especially
accentuated by
Latvian and Lithuanian researchers. Tomas Ostrauskas suggests that only the Early Mesolithic phase,
of the preboreal climatic period, characterized by arrowheads of the Pulli type, should be included
in Kunda Culture (Ostrauskas 2000). Ilze Loze considers the common features between the
Late Mesolithic
and the subsequent Narva Culture so overwhelming that she uses the name Proto-Narva
Culture to refer to both (Loze
1988, Tab. 17). Since the changes seem to follow developmental continuity, the author asserts that
these specific traits should be discussed (at least in the present stage of research) among the
variations of the Kunda Culture and not separately.
The introduction of pottery has been considered the feature marking the beginning of the Neolithic period, in Estonia as well as elsewhere in North and East Europe (e.g. Oshibkina 1996), in contrast to regions where the beginning of the Neolithic is connected with the introduction of farming. According to periodisation based on economic changes, we could talk of the Neolithic period in Estonia only in the latest stage of the Stone Age, therefore the preceding stage of the Stone Age containing pottery is sometimes still called the Mesolithic, Sub-Neolithic and Forest-Zone-Neolithic period. The first settlement phase with pottery is called, after the settlement sites of the lower reaches of the Narva River, the Narva Culture. It includes practically the whole area of the preceding Kunda Culture Estonia, Latvia, Northern Lithuania, the northern part of Byelorussia, and a part of Northwest Russia (e.g. Timofeev 1988; Kriiska 1997b). While in Lithuania the tradition lasts throughout the Neolithic period (Girininkas 1994, 259), the Narva Culture in Estonia is mainly an Early Neolithic phenomenon. At present, more than twenty settlement sites of the Narva Culture are known. The majority of these are located on the coasts. Yet, this most likely does not reflect the Stone Age situation but is the result of the better degree of investigation of the coastal areas. The only presumable Early Neolithic burials in Estonia are from the Kõnnu settlement site on Saaremaa and the Narva Joaoru settlement site in Northeast Estonia. The archaeological finds have led to a rather consentient opinion that the Narva Culture developed from the Kunda Culture, evidently without any noteworthy migration (e.g. Jaanits 1970, 86; Zagorska 1993, 114115). On the basis of pottery, areas with specific features can still be determined there. In the whole culture area these regions are many, and in Estonia alone three local groups can be determined North Estonia, East Estonia and the islands of West Estonia (Kriiska 1997b, 17). The latest datings of the pre-pottery Stone Age (Mesolithic) in Estonia are from about 5000 years cal BC. The latest dating from the Võhma I settlement site on Saaremaa, is 5175 cal BC (6245±200 14C-years Ta-2652), and from the Kõpu VII/VIII settlement site on Hiiumaa it is 5120 cal BC (6172±51 14C-years Tln-2024), and from Kunda Lammasmägi and Narva Joaoru even 4950 cal BC (respectively 6015±210 14C-years TA-16, and 6020±120 14C-years TA-17). The oldest reliable dating of the Stone Age with pottery (the Narva Culture) so far comes from the Riigiküla IV settlement site: 6023±95 14C-years (Tln-1989), which makes an average of 4950 cal BC, and considering a probability of 68.2 %, perhaps even 4900 cal BC. The latter has been provisionally considered the border of the Mesolithic and the Neolithic periods, although, considering the context of the neighbouring areas, such a date for the beginning of pottery is clearly too late. The earliest dates of the layers containing pottery in the East Latvian Osa and Zvidse settlements are ca. 5500 cal BC; 6533±120 (Ri-272) and 6535±60 (TA-862) 14C-years respectively (Loze 1988, Tab. 16). Thus the difference with the beginning of typologically very similar pottery would be as much as 600 years. Several explanations are possible, but most likely the phenomenon is not objective but caused by the different level of investigation. Considering the general distribution logic of the craft of pottery-making, the author asserts that the oldest settlement sites with pottery should be discovered in the southern part of Estonia, not on the coast and islands, from where all existing reliable 14C datings originate. Here we must also consider the possibility that, especially in the earlier phase, earthenware was not taken along on seal-hunting trips. It is hardly likely that the craft of pottery-making did not spread from East Latvia, an area very close to Southeast Estonia both culturally and geographically over some twenty or thirty generations. In the final part of the Narva Culture there are several unanswered questions, and therefore the dating of these processes is hindered. It is not yet clear whether the Narva Culture continued into the Middle Neolithic period. The latest reliable datings of the Narva Culture give an average of 42004100 cal BC: Ruhnu II 4200 cal BC (5400±150 14C-years Le-5628 and 5400±100 14C-years Ta-2716), Kõpu I 4160 cal BC (5330±90 14C-years TA-493) and Riigiküla XII 4100 cal BC (5268±58 14C-years Tln-1992). The beginning of the Middle Neolithic is marked by the development of the Combed Ware Culture. This culture encompassed a rather extensive area around the Baltic Sea. In the north it included Finland up to Rovaniemi, even reaching North Sweden. In the northeast the Combed Ware Culture extended across the greater part of Karelia, in the east the areas of Petersburg and Novgorod, and in the south it reached through Latvia to the Curonian Spit in Lithuania and to the coast of Poland. Compared with the earlier period, great changes took place in material culture. This phenomenon is especially apparent in pottery, but also in flint artefacts, the distribution of amber, etc. The similarity of artefactual materials may indicate that the Combed Ware Culture developed in the whole area over a relatively short period. Since this area was formerly inhabited by several cultures with different local groups, the author is convinced that the Combed Ware Culture was not formed only as a result of local evolution. The distribution of the new culture evidently took place under foreign influence (and, at least on Estonian territory, probably also immigration), as well as with local development. For the Combed Ware Culture, two typological and evidently also temporal groups can be established on the basis of the pottery: 1) Typical Combed Ware Culture and 2) Late Combed Ware Culture. In Estonia, Typical Combed Ware has to date been found in about twenty settlement sites, and several burials (Valma, Naakamäe, Kõnnu, etc.) can also be associated with this period. Unfortunately there are no reliable 14C datings of the Typical Combed Ware in Estonia. The dating of human bones of a burial from Tamula 5310±85 14C-years (Ua-4828), which gives the average 4150 cal BC (with a probability of 95.4 % 43303970 cal BC) could possibly be connected with the beginning of the phase. If the dating is correct, the correlation between the settlement site and the burial ground of Tamula must be revised, assuming that the burial ground had been established at the site before the settlement, where the Late Combed Ware dominates and Typical Combed Ware is completely absent. Since the period of the Typical Combed Ware has been rather short and relatively contemporaneious in other different areas, we may also apply the datings from neighbouring countries. Numerous 14C-datings of the Typical Combed Ware Culture have been performed in Finland. Of the 56 datings, the earliest belong to the period 43504300 cal BC: Hankasalmi Autioniemi 5510±170 14C-years (Hel-30), Ruotsinpyhtää Holmgård 5460±150 14C-years (Hel-19) and Honkilahti Kolmhaara 5440±160 14C-years (Hel-39) (Pesonen 1999, 200). In Latvia the earliest date of the Typical Combed Ware comes from Zvejnieki cemetery grave no. 206 (Zagorska 1997, 43): 5285±50 14C-years (Ua-3543), the average being 4100 cal BC. The beginning of Estonian Typical Combed Ware could be provisionally dated to 4150 cal BC. Combed Ware has undergone relatively rapid changes. While the rest of material culture resembles the earlier period, in pottery the differences can be observed in the composition of the clay as well as in the ornamentation. In Estonia, several local groups differ on the basis of the Combed Ware. Most marked are the differences between the earthenware of mainland Estonia and of the West Estonian islands. This phenomenon has been called Late Combed Ware, accentuating the evolutionary continuity in the relations with Typical Combed Ware. Late Combed Ware has hitherto been found in more than twenty sites and, compared with the earlier phases, a relatively large number of graves have also been excavated (Tamula, Riigiküla I). The earliest datings of the period are from human and seal bones from the Kudruküla site: 4860±60 14C- years (Cams-6266) and 4835±100 14C-years (Ua-4827), which give an average of 3650 cal BC. At the same time pottery also changed in Finland, where the Late Combed Ware of Uskela type was formed (Carpelan 1999a, 259). The time of the end of the Combed Ware Culture cannot be determined at the present level of investigations. The latest to date is based on an elk bone found from the settlement site of Villa I 2000 cal BC (3570±240 14C-years TA-20). It is possible that the tradition of the Combed Ware continued up to the end of the Stone Age, and probably even to the beginning of the Early Bronze Age. The beginning of the Late Neolithic in Estonia is marked by the development of the Corded Ware Culture (the Boat-axe Culture in earlier literature). This is one of the Corded Ware or Battle Axe cultures that spread across Central, Eastern and Northern Europe in the final stage of the Neolithic. In Estonia a completely new cultural tradition appeared alongside the population of the Late Combed Ware Culture, differing from the former in artefacts and burial customs as well as in settlement pattern and economic system (Jaanits 1992, 47; Kriiska 2000, 71). In Estonia about fifty settlement sites and nearly twenty cemeteries of the Corded Ware Culture are known (Kriiska 2000, 70). These were mostly discovered incidentally during excavations of other sites, and only on a couple of sites were the settlement traces of that period not mixed with the finds of other periods disturbed ploughing. The finds obtained from the excavations have not been numerous only a few thousand potsherds and a small number of stone tools. The latter includes triangular and heart-shaped arrowheads. It seems that the Corded Ware Culture in Estonia was formed under strong influence from the south, together with new settlers (the theory of moderate migration). However, only one reliable dating of the Corded Ware Culture has been obtained in Estonia. The analysis of the charcoal sample from the cultural layer of the site of Riigiküla XIV gave the result 3970±100 14C-years (Ta-2680), which gives an average of 2500 years cal BC (29002100 years cal BC, with a probability of 95.4 %). Typologically, the pottery of the Riigiküla XIV settlement site clearly represents the later, and not the earlier phase of the Corded Ware. When determining the beginning of the culture, we must again rely upon the datings from the neighbouring countries, and the wider context of the Corded Ware/Battle-Axe cultures in Europe. Eleven 14C datings of the Corded Ware Culture are known from Latvia (Loze 1992, Tab. 1). The earliest is the dating of peat from the Eini settlement site 4735±60 14C-years (TA-2250), which gives an average of 3500 cal BC. A series of datings come from the settlement sites of Ica and Abora I, the earliest ones being 4420±80 14C-years (TA-2248) and 4490±80 14C-years (TA-2144) respectively, giving averages of 3125 and 3145 cal BC. Four datings of the Corded Ware Culture are so far known from Finland (Edgren 1992, 92). The earliest come from Vantaa Jönsase and Lieto Kukkarkoski graves, 4520±130 14C-years (Hel-1006) and 4320±170 14C-years (Hel-831)respectively, which gives an averages of 3250 and 2950 cal BC. The other datings are also relatively early. The earliest dates of the Battle Axe cultures elsewhere in Central and Eastern Europe also belong to the period of about 200 years before 3000 cal BC, while the Scandinavian ones are a little later. The earliest date of the Baltic Coastal Culture (Rzucewo Culture), distributed troughout Lithuania and on the Polish coast near the Bay of Gdansk, comes from the Nida settlement site (Rimantiene 1989, 176). It is 4460±100 14C-years (Vs-632), the calibrated average being 3175 cal BC. In Denmark, the earliest 14C datings of the Single Grave Culture come from the settlement Langagergåd II (Jensen 1989, 16) and the Engedal grave (Malmros & Tauber 1977, 82), 4270±85 (K-5362) and 4240±90 (K-2501) 14C-years respectively, the calibrated averages being 2825 and 2800 cal BC. The datings of the Battle-Axe Culture in Sweden are even later (Larsson 1989, 68). The earliest 4010±115 14C-years (U-154) comes from the settlement site of Kabusa (Larsson 1989, 64) and gives an average of 2550 cal BC. Considering the above datings and the logic of the distribution of the Corded Ware Culture we may assume that the beginning of the Corded Ware Culture in Estonia falls at about 3200 cal BC. At the present state of knowledge the duration of the culture cannot
yet be estimated. It is possible
that, as in the case of the Late Combed Ware Culture, it continued up to the end of
the Stone Age or even
to the beginning of the Bronze Age. Unfortunately the processes of that period have been very
poorly investigated in Estonia. The recognised boundary between the Stone and
the Bronze Ages, 1500 BC, the date of the earliest known bronze objects in Estonia,
has generally been used
(Lõugas 1970, 97).
THE FORMATION AND GENERAL DEVELOPMENTAL FEATURES OF COASTAL SETTLEMENT IN ESTONIA IN THE STONE AGE The coastal areas and islands of Estonia formed a specific economic, and in certain respects also cultural unit during the Stone Age. This area is clearly discernible throughout almost the whole Stone Age as an original technocomplex (with the only exception being the Pulli site with its extensive use of imported flint), where quartz dominates as the material for small tools produced by a splitting technique. Among the three basic rocks quartz, flint and Baltic red quartz-porphyry (typical of the islands) the share of quartz is over 40 %, mostly even over 80 % (Fig. 2). As with the use of rocks, the basis of the economy was also determined by environmental conditions. Adaptation there made life in coastal areas possible.
Fig. 2. Utilization of the three most common lithic materials at the Estonian Stone Age sites (Lepakose, Umbusi, Moksi, Siimusaare, Jälevere, Pulli and Kunda by K. Jaanits 1989). Coastal Estonia an area flooded by different phases of the Baltic Sea in the post-glacial period was inhabited even in the Early Mesolithic. The oldest known settlement site in Estonia, Pulli (Southwest Estonia, Fig. 3), was evidently a summer habitation site, situated on the Pärnu River only a few kilometres from the Yoldia Sea (Raukas et al. 1995, 121122; Rõuk & Vuorela 1992, Fig. 140). The second site, Kunda Lammasmägi (North Estonia), was located near Ancylus Lake on a small island within the wetland (Moora 1998, 65). The wide range of datings (87004950 cal BC) and the changes in the environment indicate that Lammasmägi had been inhabited repeatedly, although presumably only seasonally, over a long period.
Fig. 3. Mesolithic sites. 1 one site, 2 25 sites, 3 6 or more sites, 4 present Baltic See, 5 the maximum of the Litorina Sea. Sites: 1 Pulli; 2 Kunda Lammasmägi; 3 Sõitme I, Soorinna, Sepa, Uuri-Saki, Müürissepa, Aabrami, Tooma-Hansu; 4 Narva Joaoru; 5 Vihasoo I, II; 6 Valge-Risti; 7 Metsaääre I, II; 8 Suurupi, Liikva I, II, III; 9 Võhma I, II, III, IV, V, VI, VII, Pahapilli I, II; 10 Kõpu II, III, IV/V, VI, VII/VIII, IX, XIV, XVII; 11 Ruhnu I, II, III, V, VI; 12 Lepakose; 13 Tamme; 14 Jälevere; 15 Siimusaare, Leie, Moksi, Lalsi I, II, III, IV; 16 Umbusi; 17 Laeva I, II; 18 Metsavahi; 19 Ihaste; 20 Akali. The earliest known traces of habitation on
the seashore of
mainland Estonia and the islands date from the
second half of the Mesolithic. Considering the general development of the Baltic region, it is
possible that these areas could have been inhabited somewhat earlier. For instance, the island
of Gotland, at a distance of 90 km from the mainland, was inhabited in the Early
Mesolithic
(Larsson 1997, 14), and
the boat equipment from a fishing net and other objects from Antrea, Karelia, sank to
the bottom of the strait of that time in about 8500 cal BC could also be associated
with the Kunda culture
(14C datings published by Carpelan 1999b, 160161). In Estonia
only one site, Sõitme I, has been discovered to date. It could have been
situated on the coast of Ancylus Lake (Vedru 1998, 62). The formation of the coastal settlement
took place mainly at the beginning of the Litorina Sea period. The Narva Joaoru
settlement site (Northeast Estonia), not immediately on the seashore but on the
riverbank a few kilometres upstream was inhabited in about 6550 cal BC (14C datings published by Ilves et al. 1974). The settlement
sites Vihasoo I and II (North
Estonia), and the site near Valge-Risti (West Estonia) belong to the end of the
Mesolithic. In Vihasoo, the settlement was located
at the ancient
mouth of the river, and with the regression of the sea the site was also moved. The Valge-Risti
site was located on the shore of a spit in the Litorina Sea. In Southwest Estonia, the
settlements of Metsaääre I and II, presumably also from the Mesolithic, are situated
in the
coastal area, but they are most likely connected with the Reiu River, not with the seashore. The
Suurupi and Liikva IIII settlement sites (Northwest Estonia) probably date from the
Mesolithic as well (Lang 1996, 420), but their palaeogeographic situation has not yet
been established.
In a broader
sense, the Mesolithic settlements on the ancient shores of Lake Kahala also belong to Coastal Estonia
(Vedru 1998).
More numerous are the Neolithic settlement sites of hunters and gatherers on
the coast (Fig. 4). On the
mainland they were often located on spits forming lagoons. In Riigiküla (Northeast Estonia),
fourteen hunter-fishermens settlements have been found on a spit of a lagoon of the Litorina
Sea (Kriiska 1999). In the same region, Lommi I, II and III, Narva Joaoru, Kudruküla and
Väiküla settlement sites are known to have had a maritime economy (Indreko
1948a,
298299; Kriiska 1995b, 5860). In North Estonia, Kroodi (Kriiska 1997b) and possibly also
Jägala (Spreckelsen 1925) were connected with lagoons. In Southwest Estonia,
the Metsaääre
III Neolithic site at the midpoint of the Reiu River was also among the coastal
settlements. The irrepular coastline with numerous lagoons was favourable for fishing,
hunting water-fowl and seal, while the adjacent forests favoured game hunting.
This ecological margin
effect was
skillfully used by the Stone Age people. It afforded the habitants subsistence in a relatively
small area, and also a rather settled habitation within the hunting territory.
Fig. 4. Neolithic hunter-gatherer sites. 1 one site, 2 one site with graves, 3 2 or more sites, 4 cemetery, 5 present Baltic See, 5 the maximum of the Litorina Sea. Sites: 1 Riigiküla I, 2 Riigiküla II, III, IV, V, VI, VII, VIII, IX, X, XI, XII, XIII, XV; 3 Kudruküla; 4 Väiküla; 5 Narva Joaoru; 6 Lommi I, II, III; 7 Kroodi; 8 Jägala Jõesuu; 9 Lemmetsa II; 10 Malda; 11 Lemmetsa I; 12 Metsaääre III; 13 Kaseküla, Rõuste; 14 Undva; 15 Naakamäe; 16 Loona; 17 Kõnnu; 18 Kõpu I, X, XI, XII, XIII, XV, XVI; 19 Ruhnu II, IV; 20 Akali; 21 Kullamägi; 22 Valma; 23 Kääpa; 24 Tamula, 25 Villa I, II; 26 Vagula; 27 Väike-Rõsna, 28 Vihasoo III, 29 Kunda Lammasmägi, 30 Kõljala, 31 Valgjärve. COLONIZATION OF THE ISLANDS AND GENERAL FEATURES OF DEVELOPMENT IN THE STONE AGE The oldest traces of settlement on the islands
are mainly connected with the transgression of the
Litorina Sea and the period following it. Nine Mesolithic settlement sites have been discovered in
the NW part of Saaremaa, in the vicinity of the villages Võhma and Pahapilli (Võhma
IVII and Pahapilli III). Only the Võhma I settlement site, which was once
located on
the shore of a small cove, has been archaeologically investigated (Kriiska 1998). The charcoal
samples gathered from the fireplaces were dated to 58255175 cal BC. Eight Mesolithic sites are
known from the Kõpu Peninsula on Hiiumaa (Kõpu II, III, IV/V, VI, VII/VIII,
IX, XIV and
XVII), of which the Kõpu IV/V and VII/VIII sites on the SE coast of the ancient island have
been excavated. On the basis of the samples of charcoal and hazelnut shells the sites have been dated
to 56455120 cal BC (Kriiska 1996b, 401, 407). In the Late Mesolithic, about 5300
cal BC, Ruhnu Island in the Gulf of Livonia was also seasonally inhabited.
Relying upon the finds and
geographic location, we may assume that the inhabitants of the islands came from the coastal
regions of West
Estonia. Unfortunately we know little of the Mesolithic period in that area. Only a part
of the finds from
the bottom of the Pärnu River and two settlement sites at Metsaääre (I,
II) date from
the period between the early Mesolithic Pulli settlement site and the site of Valge-Risti, probably
contemporaneous with the early settlements on the islands. The islands were
probably initially inhabited only temporarily. They offered the possibility of erecting a
camp,
finding firewood as well as raw material for making tools, and of leaving some supplies behind. Later, but possibly still
in the Mesolithic, the settlement on the islands became permanent. The first area of permanent
settlement must have been the largest island of this region, which was located in the western and
northern part of present-day Saaremaa. The similarity of the finds with those from Hiiumaa and
Ruhnu leads to the conclusion that the people who settled on Saaremaa also used other islands
and islets of the region for obtaining food.
At the beginning of the Litorina Sea period, changes in settlement and
economy occurred also elsewhere
in the Baltic region. The first traces of settlement from several Finnish
(ancient) islands date from that period, e.g. Kemiö (Asplund 1997, 218), Vantaa
Jönsas and Kilteri (Nuñez
1978, 7, Fig. 2; Purhonen & Ruonavaara 1994, 91) and Åland (Nuñez & Gustavsson
1995, 223).
11 settlement sites of Neolithic hunter-gatherers in Estonia are known
from the islands. Four more settlements
are situated on ancient islands presently located on the mainland. On Saaremaa, four
Neolithic settlement
sites Undva, Naakamäe, Loona (Jaanits 1965, 2833) and Kõnnu (Jaanits 1979)
are known to have been situated on the seashore. On Hiiumaa, seven Neolithic settlement sites are
known from the Kõpu peninsula (Kõpu I, X, XI, XII, XIII, XV and XVI) (partly published
in Kriiska 1995a; Lõugas et al. 1996; Kriiska & Lõugas 1999), and at least two
of the six Stone Age settlements of Ruhnu Island belong to the Neolithic. In West
Estonia,
Kaseküla (Kriiska et al. 1998) and Rõuste settlement sites were situated on small
islands near the mainland. In Southwest Estonia, Lemmetsa II and Malda settlements were situated on
small islets forming a lagoon near the mainland. Later, when the uplift of the land had closed the
connection to the sea and a relict lake was formed, the settlement was shifted to the mouth of
the river flowing out of the lake (Lemmetsa I settlement site).
In many respects, the oldest investigated settlement sites of Northwest
Saaremaa, Kõpu
peninsula (Hiiumaa) and Ruhnu are very similar. It was customary in all areas to use
local rocks
for making tools. The dominant raw material was quartz and white, local grey and beige flint of
inferior quality. In processing the stones, a splitting technique was often used. Only
12 % of the tools, mostly scrapers, were more thoroughly processed. The small
number of chopping tools is
also common in these areas. Only a few fragments or blanks of chisels and axes were found (Kriiska
1998, 19). The bone material and the small variety of artefacts at the early sites on the
Baltic
islands have been interpreted as indicators of seasonality (Moora & Lõugas 1995, 479;
Nuñez 1996, 27; Kriiska 1996d, 3). It is neverless possible that seasonality on
the islands
does not mean from the end of the Mesolithic repeated arrivals and
returns to the mainland, but probably the moving of a community (communities?) permanently
living on the islands, within their hunting territories which may have comprised several
islands and islets. This may be indicated
by the singularity of the culture group on Saaremaa, Hiiumaa and Ruhnu at the beginning of the
Neolithic. Since it differs considerably from the local groups of the Narva Culture on
the mainland, it
must have been formed to some extent separately. It is very likely that the regional
peculiarities of
pottery reflect the cultural differences that had already formed during the
Mesolithic (Kriiska
1997, 17). The materials found at the Early Neolithic site of Kõnnu (Saaremaa)
also
indicates more permanent presence. Here, in contrast to the other early habitation sites
on the islands, finds of chopping tools are numerous nearly 500 stone axes and chisels (Kriiska 1998,
19). MARITIME ECONOMY It is clear that the resources depended
on the natural environment of the Stone Age communities. Thus the choice
of settlement sites reflects the type of economy, and the type of ancient
landscape helps to determine the nutritional base. The animal bones found
from the sites provide even more information about the Stone Age economy.
Presuming that the share of the identified bone fragments reflects the past economic
significance of the species (Söderholm &
Ukkonen 1999, 47), several regional and temporal peculiarities can be observed
in the Stone Age hunting and fishing economy.
A drastic change in economic and settlement strategies was brought about
by the spread of agriculture. Though possibly earlier known on Estonian territory to some
extent (Lang 1995), the spread of agriculture as the economy altering
everyday life and settlement pattern was associated here with the Corded
Ware Culture. From that period date the numerous pieces of evidence clearly indicating the
spread of agriculture. Bones of goat, sheep, pig and cattle, as
well as artefacts made of them, have been found in graves (Jaanits 1992,
48). A fragment of Corded
Ware pottery with a charred grain of barley on its surface was found in the settlement of
Iru (North Estonia) (Jaanits 1992,
49). Even more significant are the pollen diagrams of bog and lake sediments.
Pollen of cultivated plants of the Stone Age, from the period 39001600
cal BC, has been found at 13 locations on the coasts of mainland Estonia
and on the islands, and also inland (Kriiska 2000, Tab. 1). Wheat, oats
and barley were cultivated.
The settlement pattern of the Corded
Ware culture differed from that of the hunter-gatherer society of
the Stone Age. The choice of dwelling sites is based on quite different
criteria than in other Estonian Stone Age cultures. This is especially striking in
Coastal
Estonia where the settlement of that period is not
located on the seashore but a short distance away. In North Estonia it is
concentrated
on the North Estonian Glint (Lang 1996, Fig. 101, 120; Lang & Konsa
1998). In several places the areas inhabited earlier, now far from the seashore, have
been re-inhabited. The settlement sites of Võhma
I (Saaremaa) (Kriiska 1998, 18) and Siimusaare (Central Estonia) (Jaanits
1959b, 161) reveal traces of Mesolithic settlements, and in Kõpu (Hiiumaa) as well as
Riigiküla on the lower reaches of the Narva River, new settlements
have been established at Early Neolithic sites (Kriiska 2000, 72). Small
settlements and burial grounds seem to indicate the formation of communities
of single families, typical of (at least) the farmers of Coastal Estonia
in the Bronze Age and the Roman Iron Age (Lang 1995, 136; Kriiska 2000,
74). Unfortunately it is impossible to determine the share of grain and the meat of
domestic animals in the diet of the people, compared to the products
of gathering, hunting and fishing. Relying upon the Late Neolithic and
Early Bronze Age bone material from Latvia and Lithuania, the share of domestic
animals was not very large (Ostrauskas 1998). Never the less, agriculture determined
the choice of settlement sites.
Some changes affecting settlement
pattern had also occurred earlier. In the Baltic Stone Age, a considerable
shift in the hunter-gatherer economy took place due to the climatic changes
of the end of the glacial period. The warming of the climate caused changes
in fauna and flora and reindeer as the main game was replaced by other
species.
The glacier regressed from the Estonian mainland
in about 11,000 cal BC and evidently the natural conditions already rendered human settlement possible (Moora 1998, 54). The nearest camp sites of reindeer hunters
known to date have been discovered on the banks of the
Daugava River in Latvia (Zagorska 1999), but it would be prematiere not to
consider the possibility of hunting trips extending to Estonian areas
as well.
The Early Mesolithic traces of human
activities at the Pulli site are clearly connected with forests
and the hunting of wild animals. Such an economy, lasting throughout the
Stone Age, could be called an inland economy. It was based on hunting wild
animals, fishing on inland bodies of water and gathering. At the present state
of research we may say that one of the central areas of Mesolithic
inland settlement was in Central Estonia, on the northern shore of
Lake Võrtsjärv and on the banks of the Navesti River. Twelve sites are known
from these areas (Fig. 3): Tamme, Jälevere, Moksi,
Siimusaare, Umbusi (Jaanits 1981) and Lalsi IIV, Laeva III
and Leie (Kiristaja et al. 1998, 214216). Several Mesolithic
settlement sites are also known from the banks of the Emajõgi River.
Fig. 5. The proportions of the five most commonly represented animals among the bones identified by to species at the inland Stone Age sites (based on Paaver 1965, Lõugas 1997). Inland Neolithic settlement sites are known from the banks and shores of several rivers and lakes in Eastern Estonia (Akali, Kullamägi), Central Estonia (Valma) and Southeast Estonia (Kääpa, Tamula, Vagula, Villa I, II and Väike-Rõsna) (Jaanits 1959a; 1959b; 1976; Kiristaja et al. 1998, 222, 227) (Fig. 4). The main game throughout the Stone Age were elk and beaver, wild boar (in the osteological material of Valma outnumbering even elk, and ranging second in Akali), and auroch (Fig. 5). An extensive variety of fish is represented in the bone material, but pike, perch, common bream and vimba bream dominate (Lõugas 1997, Tab. 2). In the coastal areas a different
type of economy developed, with the hunting of marine mammals playing an important rolle.
The time
of its emergence is not yet clear, but in the Late Mesolithic since the beginning of the
Litorina
Sea period, it is clearly discernible in the archaeological
and especially in the palaeozoological material. Two trends can be observed
in the formation of coastal settlement and economy: 1) specialised seal
hunting and 2) the hunting of marine and wild animals. Both of these trends survived
for a long time and disappeared only with the spread of agriculture.
The reason for the formation of the
maritime economy is disputable. One hypothesis from Finland relates it to a sort of
ecological restraint occurring as a result of the
significant decrease in the elk population (Siiriäinen 1982, 18). The Estonian
material does not allow one to draw such conclusions. The author would instead agree
with another Finnish
researcher who suggests that the sea became more productive
(Nuñez 1996, 24). The Litorina Sea was more brackish and evidently
also more favourable for an increase of biomass in the sea and in particular also for the seal,
increasing their populations.
In mainland Estonia the economy was
strongly affected by the jointed coastline rich in lagoons. As already indicated,
coastal settlements are known from several regions of Estonia, the lower
reaches of the Narva River being the most thoroughly investigated of these.
The first archaeological excavations took place there in as early as 1931,
and excavations and survey trips have continued intermittently up
to the present (for a survey of the research history see Kriiska 1996c).
In addition to archaeological finds, rich osteological material has been collected
there, giving a good overview of the fauna of Northeast Estonia in that period
and enabling the drawing of conclusions about areas with analogous natural
conditions. The osteological material indicates that different animals were
hunted, elk, auroch and wild boar being the most commonly represented (Fig. 6). The
relative significance of wild boar increased during the period of the Comb Ware
Cultures,
when the lagoon at Riigiküla had become marshy and the settlement
had shifted to the banks of the Narva River in the eastern part of the
former spit. Considerable changes in the relative significance of different species have
taken place on the site of Narva Joaoru. In the Mesolithic (layers
II and III) the elk dominates over the beaver and wild boar, while in the Early
Neolithic (layer I) their share had been practically equal. A specific trait
of the settlements of the Narva region is the great share of dog bones,
and dog meat was evidently also been used for food. In the material of
the Riigiküla IV settlement of the Narva culture, 35 % of the bone finds
belong to pine marten, which might indicate the hunting of fur animals in winter
(Kriiska 1999, 177; Lõugas 1999). Seal has been an important game
item on
the lower reaches of the Narva River as well as elsewhere in coastal
areas. Their relative significance in the material of Riigiküla sites was
1224.5
%, at Kudruküla even 57.8 % (Fig. 6). Such proportions of seal bones at
the latter site area is comparable with those of the islands of West Estonia for
their
economic base. In the early phase of the Neolithic, ringed seal and grey
seal were hunted; since the Middle Neolithic, the harp seal appears in the bone
material. The latter has been found on the mainland in Kudruküla and Riigiküla
and from the bottom of the Pärnu River together with Stone Age bone
artefacts (Lõugas 1997, Tab. 3). A new species
of marine mammals appearing in the Neolithic was the only species of Cetacea
in the Baltic, the porpoise, the bones of which have been found in the material
from Kudruküla (Lõugas 1997, Tab. 3), Riigiküla I, III and
IV settlements (Lõugas 1999, Tab. 1).
Fig. 6. The proportions of the five most commonly represented animals among the bones identified by species at the Stone Age coastal sites of mainland Estonia (based on Paaver 1965, Lõugas 1997). Fishing and fowling also played an
important role in the economy. Of fish, pike dominated in coastal settlements too, but
next in importance was pikeperch instead of perch (Lõugas 1997,
Tab. 2; 1999, Tab. 1). Unfortunately only a few bird bones found from
coastal settlements have so far been identified. Relying upon the bone finds, it has been
determined that of waterfowl various ducks, the whooper swan, common scoter, etc. were
hunted;
of forest birds, the black grouse and capercailli were represented (Glück
1906, 275276; Lõugas 1999, Tab. 1).
As already mentioned, the
earliest traces of settlement on the islands date from the Late Mesolithic period.
It is possible that the more remote islands were discovered only during long
seal-hunting trips, at a time when hunting for marine mammals became
an important source of livelihood for the communities of the coastal settlements
of mainland Estonia. In any case, the hunting of marine animals was one of the main
subsistence activities on the islands. In all the Mesolithic and Early Neolithic
settlements investigated to date the proportion share of seal bones
is remarkably large. In the Mesolithic settlements (Võhma I, Kõpu
IV/V and VII/VIII), all the bones identified by species belong to seals
(Fig. 7). In the Kõpu I settlement (Hiiumaa) of the Narva Culture, apart from the
seal bones only four fragments of a hedgehog’s mandile have been found. This is very
interesting since the hedgehog is unable to
populate the islands isolated by the sea, so they must have been brought
along by people. It is possible, of course, that they were taken along as a food
supply but, relying upon ethnological parallels, we may hypothesise that the
hedgehog bones possessed a religious rather than economic importance (Lõugas
et al. 1996, 206207). Seal bones were predominant (93.8
%) also in the osteological material of the Kõnnu site (Saaremaa)
of the Narva Culture. But there, stray bones of elk, beaver, wild boar, pine
marten and fox were also found (Lõugas 1997, Appendix II, A.). Small
amounts of birds’ bones eider, long-tailed duck, cormorant, merganser, goldeneye (Kriiska &
Lõugas 1999, Tab. 6) and some fish bones pike, roach, perch, cod and turbot
(Lõugas 1997, Tab. 2) have also been found. Fish bones are so rare that they have come
from seals’ bowels. Fowling may have occupieda realatively important rolle in
the early economy of
the islands, as is the case with the gathering of birds’ eggs.
In connection with the early habitation of Åland, an interesting
phenomenon of the Baltic Sea has been discussed: polynia reccurent
spaces of open water in the midst of ice, often used for living and feeding
places by fowl and marine animals. Such places offered Stone Age people possibilities for
successful hunting (Nuñez 1996, 2932). Hazelnut shells (Kriiska 1995,
413) have been found at the Kõpu I settlement site one of the few traces of
gathering from
Estonian Stone Age settlement sites.
Fig. 7. The proportions of the five most commonly represented animals among the bones identified by species at the Stone Age coastal sites of (ancient) islands (based on Paaver 1965, Lõugas 1997). The presumable period of residence
at the early sites of Võhma and Kõpu was early spring
the best time for hunting ringed seal and grey seal. In
February and March these species migrate, even today, to the present territorial waters
of Estonia to give
birth to their young, and become easy targets. For the
ringed seal puppying takes place mainly at the end of February, and for the grey seal in
March
(Aul et al. 1957, 268269). Although both species can be
hunted to some extent all year round, early spring has always been
the best and most productive time for hunting seals (Kalits 1963, 136;
Art 1988, 13). The direct evidence hunting during the puppying period is the bone of
a ringed seal of at most a week old found at the Kõpu I site
(Moora & Lõugas 1995, 479). The close stone settings of the
fire-pits, accumulating heat and keeping the dwellings warm for longer, might
also indicate the habitation of the site in the cold season.
In the second half of the Neolithic
the hunting economy of the islands had undergone considerable changes (Fig.
8). The main game was still seal with its proportion among mammal bones
remaining 72.394 %. In addition to the grey seal and the ringed seal, harp
seal
and porpoise also appear among the game. Of the bone finds from Naakamäe
identified by species, 67 % belong to harp seal. The respective percent
in Loona is even as high as 92.4 %. There has presumably not been a local population
of harp seal in the Baltic (hitherto no finds permit a contrary assumption).
Evidently the very difficult ice conditions and the favourable feeding
base in the Litorina Sea during the sub-boreal climatic period forced them to
migrate from the Arctic Ocean to the Baltic Sea in autumn and early winter
for feeding (Lepiksaar 1964; Lõugas 1998). At strategic points the
catching of such animals, migrating in great numbers, must have been relatively easy. It is
possible that harp seal was sporadically caught with nets at this time (Lõugas
1998).
Fig. 8. The proportions of marine mammals in the bone material of the Stone Age sites of the islands (based on Lõugas 1997). The importance of salt-water fish
was increasing. From the bone material of the settlement of the Late Combed
Ware Culture in Kaseküla, 11 fish species could be identified, since
the limestone soil had preserved the bones in excellent condition (Kriiska et al.
1998, Tab. 3). Among them flounder, perch, cod, eel and pike prevailed.
On distant islands, the predominant fish was cod. This was especially predominant (97
%) in the rich bone material (ca 10,000 fish bones) of the Loona
settlement site. Among the few fish bones of the Naakamäe site, the bones of common
sturgeon and turbot should be mentioned (Lõugas
1997, Tab. 2). The finds of deep-water cod indicate active fishing
on the open seas. From the settlement of Loona (Saaremaa), a relatively large number
of wild boar bones (20.8 %) were found, and from the settlement of
Kõpu
XI (Hiiumaa) and the Kaseküla settlement which was then located on
a small island near the mainland, eel bones were found. Among the numerous
pig bones from Loona, 30 pieces have roused suspicion that they belonged
to half-domesticated young animals (Paaver 1965, 440).
Considering that the best time for
hunting grey seal is early spring, that harp seals could be hunted only
in autumn and early winter, and that porpoise appears in the Baltic Sea
mostly in summer and autumn, we can presume that the above-mentioned Late Neolithic
sites were inhabited in at least those periods, but possibly year-round. The
archaeological materials found, containing more specific
tools and more tools with evidence of secondary processing, also indicated
more stable and permanent settlement. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS The author wishes to express gratitude
for
collaboration to the archaeologist Ulla
Saluäär (Museum of Pärnu), palaeozoologist Dr. Lembi Lõugas
(Institute of
History), geographer Dr. Toomas Kokovkin (Island and coast research centre
Arhipelaag), artist
Jana Ratas (Institute of History) and all the participants in my different archaeological
expeditions. For various help I would like to express my gratitude to the archaeologist
Prof. Valter
Lang (University of Tartu), the archaeologist Prof. Ari Siiriäinen (University of
Helsinki), the
geologist Prof. Volli Kalm (University of Tartu), the geologist Urve Miller (University
of
Stockholm), the Master of Geology Juho Kirs (University of Tartu), translators Liis Soon
(Institute of History), Triinu Mets-Sõmermaa (Estonian Institute of Humanities),
Are Tsirk, Alexander Harding and many
other kind friends who have not refused their help. I owe special thanks to my
teacher, archaeologist Dr. Lembit Jaanits, and the team of the present electronic
publication: webmaster
Krista Sutt and archivists Katrin Martsik and Anu Lepp.
The investigations were financed by: the Estonian Science Foundation (grant
no. 1022,
2254 and 3332), the Estonian Fund for Furthering Culture, the EU/PACT project (ERBICIPACT
93-0152), the University of Tartu, the Estonian Academy of Science, the Museum of Narva,
the Hiiumaa Centre for Biosphere Reserve of the West Estonian Archipelago, the Institute
of History, the Fishing
Industry of Pärnu and the newspaper
Maaleht. REFERENCES Ailio, J. 1924.
Katsaus Viron myöhäisimpiin arkeologisiin tutkimuksiin. Suomen Museo,
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