Weeks before the Tet offensive, the eyes of the world had been focused on Khe Sanh as all signs pointed to a major enemy attack on this Marine outpost.

Located some fifteen miles south of the Demilitarized Zone and barely seven miles from the eastern frontier of Laos, the Khe Sanh base functioned primarily as a support facility for surveillance units watching the demilitarized zone and probing the outer reaches of the Ho Chi Minh Trail in nearby Laos. Khe Sanh was almost completely surrounded by towering ridges and stood in the center of four valley corridors leading through the mountains to the north and northwest of the base. To the south Khe Sanh overlooked Highway Nine, the only east-west road in the northern province to join Laos and the coastal regions. The base itself was laid out on a flat laterite plateau. It was shaped somewhat like an irregular rectangle and covered an area approximately one mile long and one-half mile wide. A key feature of the base was a 3,900 foot aluminum mat runway which during favorable weather conditions could accommodate fixed-wing aircraft up to C-130 transports.

The enemy's primary objective in the Tet offensive in early 1968 was to seize power in South Vietnam and cause the defection of major element's of its armed forces. In conjunction with this, the enemy apparently expected to seize by military action large portions of the northern two provinces and to set up a "Liberation Government." Khe Sanh was a part of this plan and was obviously an initial objective of the North Vietnamese Army. Its seizure would have created a serious threat to our forces in the northern area and cleared the way for the enemy's advance to Quang Tri City and the heavily populated region. In addition, as General Westmoreland stated, "There is also little doubt that the enemy hoped at Khe Sanh to obtain a climacteric victory such as he had done in 1954 at Dien Bien Phu in the expectation that this would produce a psychological shock and erode American morale."

On the 25th of January I was directed to prepare a contingency plan for the relief or reinforcement of the Khe Sanh Base. This action was the first in a chain of events that was later to emerge as Operation PEGASUS. The mission was three-fold: One, to relieve the Khe Sanh Combat Base; two, to open Highway Nine from Ca Lu to Khe Sanh; and, three, to destroy the enemy forces within the area of operations. After the inevitable delays caused by the Tet offensive, the 1st Cavalry Division began preparation for one of its most classical engagements.¹

In the first weeks of 1968 signs of an impending enemy attack at Khe Sanh continued to mount. As many as four North Vietnamese divisions were identified just north of the Demilitarized Zone. Two of these divisions, the 325th C and the 304th, were thought to be concentrated in the northwestern edge of Quang Tri Province with elements already in position in the hills surrounding Khe Sanh. In addition, there were numerous indications that the enemy was moving up many batteries of artillery in the southern half of the Demilitarized Zone as well as in areas close to the Laos border-all well within range of the Khe Sanh Combat Base.

Convinced that a massive enemy blow would soon fall on Khe Sanh, the American command moved swiftly to strengthen its forces in the area. The 5th Marine Regiment was hastily redeployed from the Da Nang area north to the vicinity of Hue and the U. S. Army's 1st Cavalry Division (Airmobile) was displaced to the northern provinces along with two brigades of the 101st Airborne Division. Beginning in mid-January, the combat base at Khe Sanh was consecutively reinforced by the 2d Battalion of the 26th Marines, the 1st Battalion of the 9th Marines, and finally the 37th South Vietnamese Ranger Battalion, bringing the troop level at the base to a little less than 6,000 men.

Concurrent with the buildup of the allied forces in the vicinity of the Demilitarized Zone, B-52 bombers began to systematically pattern bomb suspected enemy locations near Khe Sanh and tactical fighter bombers stepped up attacks in North Vietnam's Southern panhandle. East of Khe Sanh, U. S. Army heavy artillery was assembled at the "Rock Pile" and at Camp Carroll to provide long range fire support to the Khe Sanh base on a quick reaction basis.

In the early morning hours of 21 January the enemy had made his long-awaited move against Khe Sanh. The main base was hit

1. The 1st Cavalry's operation in I Corps Tactical Zone—including the move north, the Tet Offensive, securing base areas, and preparation for PEGASUS—had been given the name of Operation JEB STUART.

by withering artillery, rocket and mortar fire and probing efforts against outlying defensive positions to the north and northwest. South of the base the enemy attempted to overrun the villages of Khe Sanh and Huong Hoa, but were beaten back by Marine and South Vietnamese defenders. In this initial action, enemy fire destroyed virtually all of the base ammunition stock as well as a substantial portion of the fuel supplies. In addition, the all-important air strip was severely damaged forcing a temporary suspension of flights into the area

From these beginnings, the battle lines at Khe Sanh were tightly drawn around the main base and its adjacent mountain strongholds. For the next 66 days world-wide attention would remain riveted on Khe Sanh where the enemy seemed to be challenging the United States to a set battle on a scale not attempted since the great communist victory at Dien Bien Phu.

As the siege of Khe Sanh progressed, air delivered fire support reached unprecedented levels. A daily average of 45 B-52 sorties and 300 tactical air sorties by Air Force and Marine aircraft were flown against targets in the vicinity of the base. The U. S. Navy provided additional aircraft sorties from carriers. Eighteen hundred tons of ordnance a day were dumped into the area laying waste to huge swaths of jungle terrain and causing hundreds of secondary explosions. In seventy days of air operations 96,000 tons of bombs were dropped, nearly twice as much as was delivered by the Army Air Force in the Pacific during 1942 and 1943. B-52 Arc Light strikes were particularly effective against enemy personnel and had a great psychological impact on their troops.

Artillery fire provided an important supplement to the air campaign. The sixteen 175-mm guns at Camp Carroll and the "Rock Pile" as well as the forty odd artillery pieces positioned inside the Khe Sanh perimeter directed some 118,000 rounds at enemy positions within a ten mile radius of the base.

But even though the allies were successful in keeping Khe Sanh supplied by air and surrounding its defenders with a pulverizing wall of firepower, a deep feeling of apprehension over the fate of this outpost persisted in official and public circles. After all, the base was completely encircled by an enemy with at least a three to one numerical advantage, and that enemy unmistakably commanded the initiative. Much of the high ground overlooking Khe Sanh was undefended and presumably under the control of the North Vietnamese. Despite intensive counter fires the enemy managed to regularly pound the life-supporting runway and other, critical installations with mixed barrages of artillery, rocket, and

mortar fire, averaging 150 rounds a day. On 23 February, the enemy fired over 1,300 rounds at the base. Also, weather worked against the Khe Sanh defenders. The base was repeatedly blanketed by fog and low-hanging clouds which not only interrupted fighter air sorties but also permitted the enemy to move men and equipment undetected to the very edges of the Marine defense perimeters.

On 25 January 1968, General Westmoreland had directed that a Military Assistance Command, Vietnam, forward command post be established in the I Corps area. General Abrams would be his representative in this forward Command Post. Military Assistance Command, Vietnam, Forward was activated, staffed, and became operational during the period of the Tet Offensive. The staff of Military Assistance Command, Vietnam, Forward would soon form the nucleus of Provisional Corps Vietnam when General Abrams closed his forward command post. General Abrams arrived at the command post in Phu Bai on 13 February and on that same day the decision was made to move the 101st Airborne Division (-) into Military Assistance Command, Vietnam, Forward's area of operation. The 3d Brigade of the 82d Airborne Division, being airlifted from the United States, would come under the 101st Airborne Division upon its arrival in the tactical zone.

Priority of movement for units being moved into the northern I Corps Tactical Zone were established by Military Assistance Command, Vietnam, Forward on 1 March. The 2d Brigade, 1st Cavalry Division was to join the remainder of the division operating in the area north of Hue and south of Quang Tri. Next, the command and control and support elements of the 101st Airborne Division were to move north, and finally, the 3d Brigade, 82d Airborne Division would arrive in country, through Chu Lai, and move north.

The 1st Cavalry Division began repositioning its forces to allow for the arrival of its 2d Brigade and the 101st Airborne Division (-). The 1st Brigade, 1st Cavalry was to continue security of Quang Tri and to conduct operations south and west of the city. The 2d Brigade, 1st Cavalry Division, was to assume responsibility for the operational area of the 2d Brigade, 101st Airborne Division, upon arrival in I Corps Tactical Zone and conduct operations to clear the enemy elements in the Hai Lang-My Chanh area. The 3d Brigade, 1st Cavalry Division, was to continue to operate west of Hue until relieved by the 2d Brigade, 101st Airborne Division. When the 2d Brigade, 101st began operations west and northwest of the City of Hue, the 3d Brigade, 1st Cavalry Division would

move north to Camp Evans, headquarters of the division, and assume the mission of base defense.

The roles and missions of Provisional Corps Vietnam were published by Military Assistance Command, Vietnam, in a Letter of Instruction dated 3 March 1968. Lieutenant General William B. Rosson was designated Commanding General of the Corps which, upon its activation on 10 March, was under operational control of III Marine Amphibious Force. The Provincial Corps, Vietnam, was authorized direct coordination with Army of tile Republic of Vietnam forces within its area of responsibility.

This, then, is how the situation stood in early 1968. Press correspondents began to dramatize the developments. Repeatedly the public was told that Khe Sanh was likely to be a "very rough business with heartbreaking American casualties." The impending battle was seen as a major test of strength between the U. S. and North Vietnam, with heavy political and psychological overtones.

On 2 March, I went to DA Nang to present our plan for the relief of Khe Sanh to General Cushman, Commanding General, III Marine Amphibious Force. In attendance at this briefing was General Abrams, Deputy Commander, U. S. Military Assistance Command, Vietnam, who still had his advance headquarters at Hue-Phu Bai. Our plan was approved in concept and provisional troop allocations were made.

To accomplish the mission, the 1st Cavalry Division would be augmented by the following non-divisional units: 1st Marine Regiment, 26th Marine Regiment, III Army of the Republic of Vietnam Airborne Task Force, and the 37th Army of the Republic of Vietnam Ranger Battalion. In all, I would have over 30,000 troops under my direct operational control.

Having been given the broad mission and the forces necessary, I was given complete freedom on how to do the job from the beginning. Seldom is a commander so blessed. In the early stages of planning, verbal orders were the modus operandi. As the concept took shape, I asked for representatives from all the units that would be working with us and detailed plans were developed under the critical supervision of Colonel Putnam. We even constructed a sand table model of the Khe Sanh area. I made several

trips into the surrounded Marine garrison to coordinate directly with its commander, Colonel David E. Lownds.²

Many different elements were involved and all would have to be pulled together under my command on D-day. If we wanted surprise, speed and flexibility during the actual attack, everyone had to understand their part of the plan and the control procedures. This was especially true of firepower. A lot of things were going to be moving through the same air space—bombs, rockets, artillery shells, helicopters and airplanes. We had to assure ourselves that none got together inadvertently.

The basic concept of Operation PEGASUS was as follows: The 1st Marine Regiment with two battalions would launch a ground attack west toward Khe Sanh while the 3d Brigade would lead the 1st Cavalry air assault. On D+1 and D+2 all elements would continue to attack west toward Khe Sanh; and, on the following day, the 2d Brigade of the Cavalry would land three battalions southeast of Khe Sanh and attack northwest. The 26th Marine Regiment, which was holding Khe Sanh, would attack south to secure Hill 471. On D+4, the 1st Brigade would air assault just south of Khe Sanh and attack north. The following day the 3d Army of the Republic of Vietnam Airborne Task Force would air assault southwest of Khe Sanh and attack toward Lang Vei Special Forces Camp. Linkup was planned at the end of seven days.

It became evident during the planning that the construction of an airstrip in the vicinity of Ca Lu would be a key factor for the entire operation. This airstrip, which became known as landing zone STUD, had to be ready well before D-day (I April 1968). Also, it was necessary to upgrade Highway Nine between the "Rock Pile" and Ca Lu to allow prestocking of supplies at landing zone STUD.

I sent one of my assistant division commanders, Brigadier General Oscar E. Davis, to personally supervise the establishing of landing zone STUD as our advance base for PEGASUS. Calling this a "landing zone" is a gross understatement, for landing zone STUD would have to be a major air terminal, communications center, and supply depot for the future.

The 1st Cavalry Division engineers, the Seabees USN Mobile Construction Battalion #5, and the 11th Engineer Battalion,

2. In order to correct an impression given by the newsreel coverage at this time, I must point out that the only "safe" way to get into the Khe Sanh Combat Base was by helicopter. I usually chose to land in the Special Forces area. The C-130's were either delivering their loads by low altitude extraction or by parachute. The runway was the most dangerous and exposed area at Khe Sanh.

USMC, initiated construction of the C-7A airfield and parking ramp, logistical facilities, and a bunker complex at landing zone STUD on 14 March. By D-6 they had finished an airstrip 1500 feet long by 600 feet wide, ammunition storage areas, aircraft and vehicle refueling facilities, and extensive road nets into the vicinity of landing zone STUD. The Seabees, which had been augmented with very heavy equipment, accomplished the lion's share of the work on the airfield.

Having established a forward base of operations, the second key element to the success of this plan was the closely integrated reconnaissance and fire support effort of the 1st Squadron, 9th Cavalry, under the brilliant leadership of Lieutenant Colonel Richard W. Diller, and air, artillery, and B-52 Arc Light strikes, during the period D-6 to D-day. This was almost a flawless demonstration of properly preparing a battlefield when tactical intelligence was not available.

This is not to say there was not a tremendous intelligence effort focused around Khe Sanh Combat Base itself. In addition to the

aerial observation and daily photographic coverage, General Westmoreland had personally made the decision to divert new acoustic sensors from their intended implacement along the DMZ to the approaches around Khe Sanh. Through a complex computer system, these devices could provide early warning of any intrusion and were often used to target B-52 strikes. However, the acoustical sensor system, which was focused on the immediate area of Khe Sanh, did not directly help develop the complete intelligence picture necessary for our proposed attack along Highway Nine.

The actual intelligence on the enemy in the area was very vague and expressed in generalities. The 1st Squadron, 9th Cavalry operated from landing zone STUD in gradually increasing concentric circles up to the Khe Sanh area, working all the time with aircover from the 7th Air Force or the 1st Marine Air Wing. The Cavalry Squadron was almost the only means available to pinpoint enemy locations, antiaircraft positions, and strong points that the division would try to avoid in the initial assaults. The squadron was also responsible for the selection of critical landing zones. Their information proved to be timely and accurate.

During the initial surveillance efforts it became evident that the enemy had established positions designed to delay or stop any attempt to reinforce or relieve Khe Sanh. Positions were identified on key terrain features both north and south of Highway Nine. As part of the reconnaissance by fire, known or suspected enemy antiaircraft positions and troop concentrations were sought out and destroyed either by organic fire or tactical air. Landing zones were selected and preparations of the landing zones for future use were accomplished by tactical air using specially fused bombs and B-52 Arc Light strikes. During this phase of the operation, the 1st Squadron, 9th Cavalry developed targets for 632 sorties of tactical air, 49 sorties for the specially fused bombs, and twelve B-52 Arc Light strikes. The thoroughness of the battlefield preparation was demonstrated during the initial assaults of the 1st Cavalry Division, for no aircraft were lost due to antiaircraft fire or enemy artillery.

At this point, I must mention the element of surprise. Certainly the enemy knew we were in the area. Our own reporters let the whole world know the situation as they saw it, and the arm-chair strategist could ponder the problem each evening in front of his color TV. However, the inherent capabilities of the airmobile division presented the enemy with a bewildering number of possible thrusts that he would have to counter, all the way to the Laotian

border. Also, there would be a major diversionary attack in the vicinity of the DMZ on D-1. The initiative was ours.

At 0700 on 1 April 1968 the attack phase of Operation PEGASUS commenced as two battalions of the 1st Marine Regiment under Colonel Stanley S. Hughes attacked west from Ca Lu along Highway Nine. (Map 4) The 11th Marine Engineers followed right on their heels. At the same time, the 3d Brigade of the 1st Cavalry under Colonel Hubert (Bill) S. Campbell was airlifted by Chinooks and Hueys into landing zone STUD in preparation for an air assault into two objective areas further west. Weather delayed the attack until 1300, when the 1st Battalion, 7th Cavalry, commanded by Lieutenant Colonel Joseph E. Wasiak, air assaulted into landing zone MIKE located on prominent ground south of Highway Nine and well forward of the Marine attack. Lieutenant Colonel Roscoe Robinson, Jr., led the 2nd Battalion, 7th Cavalry into the same landing zone to expand and develop the position. The 5th Battalion, 7th Cavalry, commanded by Lieutenant Colonel James B. Vaught, air assaulted into an area north of Highway Nine approximately opposite landing zone MIKE.

These two objectives had been chosen after careful reconnaissance by the Cavalry Squadron indicated no major enemy defenses. Though almost halfway to Khe Sanh, they were within range of

supporting artillery. Both landing zones were secured and no significant enemy resistance was encountered. A battery of 105-mm howitzers was airlifted into each landing zone and Colonel Campbell moved his brigade headquarters into the northern landing zone, landing zone CATES. Bad weather notwithstanding, everything was in place prior to darkness. The major accomplishment of D-day was the professional manner in which this tremendously complex operation, with all its split-second timing and coordination, had to be delayed several hours yet was completed as planned.

The bad weather of D-day was to haunt the 1st Cavalry throughout Operation PEGASUS. Seldom were airmobile moves feasible much before 1300. "Good weather" was considered to be any condition when the ceiling was above 500 feet and slant range visibility was more than a mile and a half. The bad weather further proved the soundness of establishing landing zone STUD as the springboard for the assaults. Troops, ammo and supplies could be assembled there ready to go whenever the weather to the west opened up. Marshalling areas further away would have drastically deteriorated response time.

On D + 1 (2 April), the 1st Marine Regiment continued its ground attack along the axis of Highway Nine. Two Marine companies made limited air assaults to support the Regiment's momentum. The 3d Brigade air assaulted the 2d Battalion, 7th Cavalry into a new position further to the west while the other two battalions improved their positions. The 2d Brigade under Colonel Joseph C. McDonough moved into marshalling areas in preparation for air assaults the next day, if called upon.

Lest all of this sound routine, I want to emphasize that only the initial assaults on D-day were fixed in time or place. All subsequent attacks were varied to meet changes in the enemy situation or to capitalize on unexpected progress. As an example, I ordered an acceleration of the tempo when the results of D-day attacks gave clear evidence that the enemy was unprepared.

Our initial thrusts had met less enemy resistance than expected. As a consequence, the 2d Brigade was thrown into the attack a day earlier than the original schedule with three battalions³ moving into two new areas south and west of our earlier landing zones.

3. The 1st Battalion, 5th Cavalry under Lieutenant Colonel Robert L. Runkle (who was killed in action the following day and replaced by Lieutenant Colonel Clarence E. Jordan), the 2d Battalion, 5th Cavalry under Lieutenant Colonel Arthur J. Leary, Jr., and the 2d Battalion, 12th Cavalry under Lieutenant Colonel Richard S. Sweet.

(Map 5) They received enemy artillery during the assaults, but secured their objectives without serious difficulty. We now had six air cavalry battalions and supporting artillery deep in enemy territory.

I was anxious to get the 26th Marine Regiment out of their static defense position as soon as feasible; so, on D+3, I ordered Colonel Lownds to make a battalion-size attack south from Khe Sanh to seize Hill 471, a strategic piece of terrain affording a commanding view of the base. Following a heavy artillery preparation, the Marines successfully seized the hill killing thirty of the enemy. On the same day, the 2d Brigade of the Cavalry Division assaulted one battalion into an old French fort south of Khe Sanh. Initial contact resulted in four enemy killed. The remaining uncommitted brigade was moved into marshalling areas.

On D+4 (5 April), the 2d Brigade continued its attack on the old French fort meeting heavy enemy resistance. Enemy troops attacked the Marines on Hill 471 but were gallantly repulsed with 122 of the enemy left dead on the battlefield. The tempo of this battle was one of the heaviest during the operation. The 3d Airborne Task Force, Army of the Republic of Vietnam, was alerted to prepare to airlift one rifle company from Quang Tri to effect linkup with the 37th Army of the Republic of Vietnam Ranger Battalion located at Khe Sanh. Units of the 1st Brigade under

Colonel Stannard entered the operation with the 1st Battalion, 8th Cavalry, commanded by Lieutenant Colonel Christian F. Dubia, air assaulting into landing zone SNAPPER, due south of Khe Sanh and overlooking Highway Nine. The circle began to close around the enemy. (Map 6)

On D+5 (6 April), the 1st Marine Regiment continued its operations on the high ground north and south of Highway Nine, moving to the west toward Khe Sanh. The heaviest contact on that date occurred in the 3d Brigade's area of operation as the 2d Battalion, 7th Cavalry under the inspired leadership of Colonel Robinson continued its drive west on Highway Nine. Enemy blocking along the highway offered stubborn resistance. In a day-long battle which ended when the enemy summarily abandoned his position and fled, the battalion had accounted for 83 enemy killed, one prisoner of war captured, and 121 individual and ten crew-served weapons captured. The troops of the 1st Cavalry Division were airlifted to Hill 471 relieving the Marines at this position. This was the first relief of the defenders of Khe Sanh. Two companies of troopers remained on the hill while two other companies initiated an attack to the south toward the Khe Sanh Hamlet.

We had plotted heavy enemy artillery that had been dug deeply into the rocks of the Co Roc Mountains in Laos just west of Lang Vei. As we neared Khe Sanh I was concerned that these 152-mm

guns could bring our landing zones under fire at any time. But, we were forbidden to cross the border and the heaviest aerial bombs could not dislodge these positions. They remained a threat throughout PEGASUS.

The 1st Cavalry forces on landing zone SNAPPER were attacked by an enemy force utilizing mortars, hand grenades, and rocket launchers. The attack was a disaster for the enemy and twenty were killed. At 1320 the 84th Company of the Vietnamese 8th Airborne Battalion was airlifted by 1st Cavalry Division aircraft into the Khe Sanh Combat Base and linked up with elements of the 37th Ranger Battalion. The lift was conducted without incident and was marked as the official link-up in forces at Khe Sanh.

On 7 April the South Vietnamese III Airborne Task Force air assaulted three battalions into positions north of the road and east of Khe Sanh to block escape routes toward the Laotian border. Fighting throughout the area was sporadic as the enemy attempted to withdraw. American and South Vietnamese units began picking up significant quantities of abandoned weapons and equipment. The old French fort which was the last known enemy strong point around Khe Sanh was completely secured.

At 0800 on 8 April the relief of Khe Sanh was effected and the 1st Cavalry Division became the new landlord. The 3d Brigade airlifted its command post into Khe Sanh and Colonel Campbell assumed the mission of securing the area. This was accomplished after the 2d Battalion, 7th Cavalry successfully cleared Highway Nine to the base and effected linkup with the 26th Marine Regiment. The 3d Brigade elements occupied high ground to the east and northeast of the base with no enemy contact. At- this time it became increasingly evident, through lack of contact and the large amounts of new equipment being found indiscriminately abandoned on the battlefield, that the enemy had fled the area rather than face certain defeat. He was totally confused by the swift, bold, many-pronged attacks. Operations continued to the west.

On 9 April all 1st Marine Regiment objectives had been secured and Highway Nine was repaired and secured with only scattered incidents of enemy sniper fires. Enemy mortar, rocket and artillery fire into Khe Sanh became increasingly sporadic.

On the following day the 1st Battalion of the 12th Cavalry, commanded by Lieutenant Colonel Robert C. Kerner, under the 1st Brigade seized the old Lang Vei Special Forces Camp four miles west of Khe Sanh against light enemy resistance. This was the site of an enemy attack in mid-February when North Vietnamese

troops, supported by armor, overran the camp. Early on the 10th a helicopter from A Troop, 1st Squadron, 9th Cavalry, had located a PT-76 tank and had called in a tactical air strike on the vehicle. The tank was destroyed along with fifteen enemy troops.

Though this was the only recorded tank kill during Operation PEGASUS, we had had intelligence of enemy armor throughout this area. The enemy's offensive at Lang Vei Special Forces Camp had given undeniable proof of this enemy capability and, since that time, intelligence sources estimated a possible company-size armor unit near Khe Sanh. The 1st Squadron, 9th Cavalry had sighted tank treads several times in their early reconnaissance before D-day.

Before the operation I had directed the division to be prepared to use the SS-11 missile system during PEGASUS. This system, which employed a wire-guided armor-piercing missile had been in the theater since the arrival of the 1st Cavalry. However, the lack of lucrative targets had reduced its usefulness. The system had been standardized in the U. S. Army since 1960 when it replaced the lighter French SS-10 missile. Since then hundreds of gunners had been trained at Fort Rucker, Alabama, in the use of the SS-11. We were never able to target this system during PEGASUS, but I still felt it was a very valuable capability that should be maintained in constant readiness.

Highway Nine into the Khe Sanh Combat Base was officially opened on 11 April after the Marine engineers had worked day and night to complete their task. In eleven days the engineers had reconstructed over fourteen kilometers of road, repaired or replaced nine bridges, and constructed seventeen bypasses. Numerous sections of the road had to be cleared of landslides and craters.

I had scheduled more than 38 additional operations to extend our control of the Khe Sanh area but, without warning, on the morning of 10 April I received orders from General Rosson to make plans to extract the Division as soon as possible to prepare for an assault into the A Shau Valley. Advance units started pulling out on the 11th. Limited operations continued until 15 April when Operation PEGASUS was officially terminated.

There was great potential for the continued air assault operations that were abruptly brought to close. The enemy was vulnerable; he was abandoning his equipment; and, he was completely disorganized. The decision to expedite our withdrawal immediately upon completing our primary mission-the relief of Khe Sanh Combat Base-was predicated on a long-range forecast which predicted April as the last possible time for air assault operations in the A Shau Valley before the heavy monsoon rains.

Operation PEGASUS-LAM SON 207A from its inception to its final extraction from the area of operations will long stand as a classic example of airmobile operations. The operation dramatically illustrated the speed and effectiveness with which a large force can be employed in combat using airmobile tactics and techniques. The enemy's repeated failure to quickly comprehend the quick reaction time and capabilities of the 1st Cavalry Division led to his defeat, forced withdrawal, and eventual rout from the battlefield. The enemy was helpless and confused, suffered great losses of men and equipment, and failed in his mission to block and delay the relief of Khe Sanh.

No summation of Operation PEGASUS would be complete without mention of the great team effort of all the Services-Army, Navy, Marines and Air Force. The operation was an ideal example of the synchronization of massive B-52 strikes, tactical air support and artillery firepower with ground maneuver. The South Vietnamese troops gave a splendid performance. The fact that we were able to co-ordinate all of these operations in a single headquarters was a commander's dream. There was no question of command or who was calling the signals. Equally important, I had the full support of General Rosson, who commanded the Provisional Corps Vietnam, and of General Cushman, Commanding General, III Marine Amphibious Force.

The success of the PEGASUS operation can largely be attributed to the detailed planning and preparation that occurred prior to D-day and the effective reconnaissance and surveillance of the area of operations provided by the air cavalry squadron. This reconnaissance and its ability to develop hard targets for the tactical air and B-52 Arc Light strikes cannot be overestimated. The concept of building landing zone STUD as a pivot point for the entire operation proved sound. This base provided a continuous flow of needed supplies and equipment to forward elements of the division. The success of the initial battalion air assaults was rapidly exploited by aggressive company and even platoon-size air assaults, all supported by artillery and air. The enemy, although well dug in, well supplied, and with an initial determination to deter the relief of Khe Sanh, found himself surrounded with no choice but to retreat in rout order back into Laos, leaving behind 1,304 dead and much valuable equipment strewn over the battlefield.

The total success of the operation can be best measured by the mission accomplished. For the first time, the Cavalry had made an air assault as a division entity; every committed battalion came into combat by helicopter. In fifteen days, the division had entered

the area of operations, defeated the enemy, relieved Khe Sanh, and been extracted from the assault-only to assault again four days later into the heart of the North Vietnamese Army's bastion in the A Shau Valley.

While the 1st Cavalry Division was occupied in preparation for PEGASUS and in the actual relief of Khe Sanh, the U. S. 9th Infantry Division was joined with the enemy in an entirely different type of operation in the Mekong Delta. On 1 March 1968, in conjunction with several Army of the Republic of Vietnam units, elements of the 9th Infantry Division began Operation TRUONG CONG DINH in Dinh Tuong and Kien Tuong Provinces in the IV Corps Tactical Zone. By 19 April, they had accounted for 1,716 enemy killed and 999 detained, while the U. S. forces had only lost 57 men. The division, which was operating on water almost as much as on land, saw airmobility in an entirely different light than those troops fighting in the mountains and jungles in the north.

The Delta region in the IV Corps Tactical Zone stretches from the Cambodian border to the tip of the Ca Mau Peninsula. It is a heavily silted level plain area with elevations not in excess of 9 feet above sea level except in the far western area. The entire area is subject to frequent flooding. Extensive embankments had been built over the centuries to channel water into the fertile rice-producing fields. Mud flats and mangrove swamps encircled the Delta regions along the ragged coastline. Road networks were limited but hard-surfaced major roads did exist. Most of the canals carried a heavy burden of the traffic throughout the area.

The 9th Division's operations in the Delta proved to be a unique testing ground for certain of the airmobile concepts. To begin with, the Division found itself on the low order of priority for airmobile assets and, consequently, could compare its operations without airmobility to those with airmobility.

Major General Julian J. Ewell was to recall later:

The 9th Infantry Division made a study of its operations from March through August 1968 to analyze division operations with and without airmobile assets. They attempted to quantify the division's effectiveness by stripping out all the other variables with the exception of the addition of helicopter lift and the air cavalry. The study considered that the simplest and most relevant statistical index of combat effectiveness was the average number of Viet Cong losses inflicted daily by the unit in question. This criteria had to be adjusted to account for the fact that units do not engage in offensive field operations every day. This was especially true for the riverine units in the 2d Brigade, 9th Division, which had to allow for extended periods for boat maintenance. In their study, it was assumed that the provision of all types of airmobile resources except the assault helicopter units and air cavalry units was uniform and thus did not materially influence combat effectiveness from day to day.

A total of 313 brigade-days were analyzed. With no airmobility or air cavalry support the 3d Brigade of the 9th Division averaged 0.21 significant enemy contacts per day spent on field operations. However, when supported by an assault helicopter company and an air cavalry troop, brigade performance more than doubled. In other words, with no air assets a brigade made significant contact with the enemy only once every five days; with airmobile assets, it developed contact every other day.

An analysis of the Viet Cong losses per field day produced more definitive inferences. With no air assets, the brigade performance averaged 1.6 Viet Cong losses per field day-hardly a creditable return. However, when a brigade was supported by an air cavalry troop and a helicopter company, the brigade performance rose to 13.6 Viet Cong per day-an increase of 850 percent. The study went on to refine its perimeters, but the conclusion was inescap-

able. There was an astonishing improvement in the combat effectiveness of the 9th Infantry Division when it was supported by airmobile and air cavalry assets. The last paragraph of the analysis bears repeating:

On 10 April 1968 at landing zone STUD, General Rosson, the commander of Provisional Corps Vietnam, told me to plan immediate movement of the 1st Cavalry into the A Shau Valley. Though tentative plans had been made for operations against this enemy redoubt sometime before, I had no warning that the 1st Cavalry Division would be committed so quickly on the heels of our operations at Khe Sanh. The following day, we began extracting troops from Operation PEGASUS back into our base areas at Quang Tri City and Camp Evans.

The A Shau Valley lies between two high mountain ranges on the western edge of the Republic of Vietnam. On both sides of the valley the mountains climb to over 1,000 meters with the angle of slope varying from 20 to 45 degrees. The Laotian border is less than ten kilometers away. Three abandoned airfields were spread along the valley floor which runs northwest to southeast. The North Vietnamese forces had been in control of the valley since March 1966 when they overran the Special Forces camp in the southern end. Since that time they had built a major base for the infiltration of personnel and supplies from North Vietnam through Laos along Route 547 into Thua Thien Province and the northern I Corps Tactical Zone. (Map 7)

Final preparations for Operation DELAWARE-LAM SON 216 were conducted during the last days of Operation PEGASUS. The 1st

Squadron, 9th Cavalry of the 1st Cavalry Division began an extensive aerial reconnaissance of the A Shau Valley to select flight routes, locate antiaircraft and artillery weapons, and to develop targets for tactical air and B-52 strikes. During the period 14 to 19 April, over 100 B-52 sorties, 200 Air Force and Marine fighter sorties, and numerous aerial rocket artillery missions were flown against targets in the valley. The 1st Brigade of the 101st Airborne Division and the Army of the Republic of Vietnam Airborne Task Force were moved into pre-assault positions ready to make a separate attack on D-day east of the A Shau.

The 101st Airborne Division's role in Operation DELAWARE was to complement the 1st Cavalry Division's assault into the valley itself. The 1st Brigade of the 101st, in coordination with the 3d Army of the Republic of Vietnam Airborne Task Force, Was to conduct ground and airmobile assaults to interdict the enemy's routes of withdrawal and infiltration in the area around the junction of Routes 547 and 547A. The 101st Airborne Division's Fire Support Base BASTOGNE, far to the east on Route 547, would just be able to reach the north end of the A Shau Valley With its long range 175-mm guns. The Army of the Republic of Vietnam Airborne Task Force was to be responsible for clearing Route 547A.

Operation DELAWARE was to be a coordinated airmobile and ground attack on two axes using elements of three divisions-the 1st Cavalry, the 101st Airborne, and the 1st Army of the Republic of Vietnam Division. One prong was to be the attack along and astride Routes 547 and 547A, while the main attack was the assault into A Luoi and Ta Bat on the valley floor.

Operation DELAWARE differed from PEGASUS in that during PEGASUS the Cavalry Division had control of all U. S. ground tactical elements. Operation DELAWARE was under the tactical control of Provisional Corps, and my relationship With the 101st Airborne Division was one of coordination. I had also expected to have the Army of the Republic of Vietnam Airborne Task Force as part of our maneuver force, but this unit was shifted to the operational area of the 101st during the latter planning stages. D-day had been tentatively set for 17 April, but I made the condition that it was really contingent on my having three full days of operations in the A Shau Valley by the 1st Squadron, 9th Cavalry in coordination with tactical air and B-52 Arc Light strikes. The purpose of this effort was to determine and neutralize the heavy enemy antiaircraft concentrations.

By the 16th of April, the 1st Squadron, 9th Cavalry still had not had three full days of good weather to operate in the valley, so

I recommended to General Rosson that D-day be postponed until the 19th in which he concurred. In my initial plan I had selected the area around A Luoi for the landing zones in which the 1st Brigade would make the initial assault, the 3d Brigade having made the initial assaults into Operation PEGASUS. The area around A Luoi offered better open landing zones and it gave us immediate control of the airstrip which we could improve for future operations. However, during the final days of the reconnaissance by the Air Cavalry Squadron, I could not get any assurance that an assault into the A Luoi area Would not be very costly because they had encountered the heaviest antiaircraft fire right in that area. Though much had been neutralized by air strikes, new positions appeared each day and it became obvious that an alternate plan should be considered. The alternate I selected Was an assault into the northern part of the valley by the 3d Brigade, since the 3d Brigade had been prepared to go into this area from the beginning. This alternate plan had several advantages. By going north first, we would immediately cut off the entries into the valley from the new highway coming in from Laos which the enemy had constructed. But, most of all, the threat from antiaircraft fire was less in this area and, after the initial assault, artillery could be placed in the northern landing zones to further neutralize the antiaircraft fire in the center of the valley. The disadvantages of this plan included the fact that we would have to use extremely limited landing zones and that we would delay securing the A Luoi airstrip.

For Operation DELAWARE the 1st Cavalry would have its own 1st and 3d Brigades and coordinate with the 3d Army of the Republic of Vietnam Regiment. The 2d Brigade of the Cavalry remained in the Khe Sanh area to secure the base and continue limited operations in that area. This left the Camp Evans area almost completely void of combat units. Consequently, the 196th Light Infantry Brigade of the Americal Division was given the mission of defense of the base at Camp Evans under operational control of the 1st Cavalry Division. As a further mission they were also designated as a reserve unit for the Corps.

On the morning of the 19th of April the 3d Brigade of the 1st Cavalry Division under Colonel Campbell made the initial assault into the A Shau Valley. Prior to the assault, six B-52 strikes had been delivered in the northern part of the valley and two strikes delivered on the main roads to the east. Tactical Air and artillery hit numerous targets just before the helicopters set down. Despite

the large amount of preparatory fire, enemy antiaircraft fire was intense.

The 5th Battalion, 7th Cavalry air assaulted into landing zone TIGER near the Winding road into Laos, and Was soon followed by its direct support artillery battery. The 1st Battalion, 7th Cavalry went into landing zone VICKI on the slope northeast of TIGER. Although the initial assaults of the 5th Battalion, 7th Cavalry and 1st Battalion, 7th Cavalry were virtually unopposed by ground action, subsequent assault lifts received intense antiaircraft fire. In these later assaults, 23 helicopters were lilt by ground-to-air fire and ten aircraft were destroyed. Because of the intense antiaircraft fire, deteriorating weather conditions, and the extensive engineering effort required to prepare artillery positions at landing zone VICKI, insertion of the direct support artillery battery into landing zone VICKI Was aborted for that day.

To the east, the 1st Brigade of the 101st Airborne Division initiated operations out of Fire Support Base BASTOGNE with one battalion attacking to the southwest. Later in the morning of the 19th, another battalion air assaulted into the landing zone near the junction of Routes 547 and 547-A. These battalions received light to moderate contact throughout the day.

On D+1, the 3d Brigade of the 1st Cavalry continued to deploy into the northern A Shau Valley and to spread their area of operations. The 1st Battalion, 7th Cavalry under Colonel Wasiak attacked to the southeast out of their original landing zone; the 2d Battalion, 7th Cavalry under Colonel Robinson began an air assault to establish a landing zone further south in the valley; and the 5th Battalion, 7th Cavalry moved to interdict Route 548 which entered the A Shau Valley from Laos.

During the first few days of Operation DELAWARE, in spite of very low ceilings, thunder storms, and heavy enemy antiaircraft fire, the 1st Cavalry Division's helicopters and the U. S. Air Force's C-130 aircraft flew repeated missions into the valley to deliver the required supplies. During the first days of the operation, navigation was strictly by pilotage.

The weather during Operation DELAWARE Was almost unbelievably bad. Heavy clouds, fog, thunder storms, and low ceilings made heroic feats of airmanship almost commonplace. Not only were the conditions bad in the area of tactical operations, but even the departure area from Camp Evans had conditions which usually forced our helicopters to climb up through an overcast on instruments, reassemble a formation on top of the clouds, fly to the target area, and then search for some sort of hole in the clouds to make

their descent. What should have been a simple twenty-minute flight was usually an hour and twenty minutes of stark terror. Our young warrant officer aviators and our junior officer aviators flew day in and day out in Hueys, Chinooks, and cranes at the very limit of their capabilities. The operation was a phenomenal piece of flying, but from a commander's viewpoint it was sheer agony to see what my people had to go through to accomplish our mission.

The deployed battalions of the 1st Cavalry Division were making sporadic contact with small enemy units on 21 April. Shortly after noon, Company B of the 1st Battalion, 7th Cavalry, discovered an enemy maintenance area containing two trucks, two bulldozers, and assorted engineering equipment. Markings on the bulldozers gave clear evidence that they had been manufactured in the USSR.

With improvements in Weather conditions on 22 April, the 3d Brigade, 1st Cavalry, continued to improve their bases in northern A Shau Valley and to bring in needed supplies and equipment. The 1st Battalion of the 7th Cavalry had completed an overland attack and secured a landing zone further south. This battalion was now in position to support the coming assault into the A Luoi Airfield and the central portions of the A Shau Valley.

On 24 April the 2d Battalion, 8th Cavalry, under Lieutenant Colonel John V. Gibney; led the assault of Colonel Stannard's 1st Brigade into a landing zone two kilometers south of the A Luoi Airfield. The 1st Battalion, 12th Cavalry and 1st Battalion, 8th Cavalry completed the Brigade movement the following day when they air assaulted the airfield itself. The 1st Brigade then began reconnaissance in force operations moving to the south and west. Numerous caches of enemy communications equipment, vehicles, ammunition, and Weapons were uncovered. Operation DELAWARE was spoiling the enemy's supply depots in the A Shau Valley. The 1st Cavalry troopers were also finding on the ground the heavy antiaircraft weapons that had hit them so hard during the air assaults. Many antiaircraft weapons were uncovered plus thousands of rounds of 23-mm and 37-mm ammunition.

The 1st Brigade of the 1st Cavalry Division continued their buildup at the A Luoi airfield by flying in heavy engineer equipment, sectionalized in small enough loads to be lifted by crane helicopters. The cranes were fueled with just sufficient JP-4 to make the round trip in order to have sufficient lift capability to sling load this heavy equipment over the ridge lines.

On 26 April the buildup at A Luoi continued with fifteen air drops of resupply from C-130 aircraft. The 1st Cavalry Division

Forward Command Post was established near the airfield and the 1st Brigade's forward support element was air lifted in. The forward support element and an Air Force tactical air control party worked together in a joint operation continuing daily resupply by heavy drop. This reduced the demand on the division's aviation assets to complete unit distribution within the valley. However, a large amount of the resupply for the 3d Brigade elements continued to be lifted from Camp Evans by organic aircraft. At 1400 on 26 April a C-130 received enemy antiaircraft fire after breaking out of the overcast too far to the south of the drop zone at landing zone STALLION. Attempting to crash land at the landing zone and losing altitude rapidly, the C-130 came under more small arms fire as it tried to turn and crashed and burned at the landing zone.

This tragic crash points out how dedicated our Air Force pilots were during this operation. They were faced with the same miserable weather I have described earlier but, unlike the helicopter, they could not pick holes in the clouds for their descent. They were vectored to the A Shau Valley by the intersection of two radio stations on the east coast. From there, they began an instrument approach into the valley using their own on-board radar to avoid the mountains. No matter how reliable the gauges, it takes a lot of guts to poke your airplane nose into clouds that are full of solid rock! Breaking out under a low ceiling, they made their parachute drop and climbed out.

In addition to the superb support of the Hercules pilots, I must mention the 109th Quartermaster Company (Air Drop) at Cam Ranh Bay which rigged 2,212 tons of all classes of supplies for air drop into the A Shau Valley. They and the crews of the C-130's did a tremendous job under extreme pressure.

On the morning of 29 April, elements of the 1st Battalion, 12th Cavalry secured a landing zone in the vicinity of Ta Bat airfield and the 3d Army of the Republic of Vietnam Regiment began its insertion into the valley with the airlift of its 1st Battalion landing at 0830. The 3d Army of the Republic of Vietnam Regiment under the command of Colonel Hoa assumed the security mission for landing zone Lucy. By I May the 3d Army of the Republic of Vietnam Regiment had closed on landing zone Lucy and initiated attacks southeast along the Rao Lao River. At 1130 on that date, they discovered a large supply cache of ammunition, vehicle spare parts, and communications equipment. They continued their attack toward the old Special Forces camp at the south end of the valley.

The 8th Engineer Battalion of the 1st Cavalry had been working on the airstrip at A Luoi since 29 April with the heavy equipment that had been brought in by CH-54's. The field was actually ready to accept Caribou aircraft by noon on 1 May. However, it was not until the following day that the first cargo aircraft, a C-7A Caribou, landed at landing zone STALLION at 1120. The engineers continued their work on this airstrip so that it could handle C-123's and C-130's. The 8th Engineers completed the upgrading of the A Luoi Airfield to a C-130 capacity on 3 May.

While the 1st Cavalry Division was operating in the A Shau Valley, the 101st Airborne Division had been conducting major operations to the east. Together with the 3d Army of the Republic of Vietnam Airborne Task Force, they had made periodic contact with the enemy and had uncovered additional major supply caches. The 101st had built up two major fire support bases, VEGHEL and BASTOGNE, which would be important throughout Operation DELAWARE.

After dark on 3 May the 2d Battalion, 3d Army of the Republic of Vietnam Regiment, observed a ten-vehicle convoy approaching their position 7 kilometers southeast of landing zone LUCY. The Army of the Republic of Vietnam unit engaged the convoy with artillery fire, destroying two of the vehicles and causing one large secondary explosion. The rest of the vehicles escaped into the night.

In the next few days, all units engaged in Operation DELAWARE would continue to uncover major enemy supply depots. At the same time, they were exposed to some of the heaviest ground fire received in Vietnam up to that time. Enemy 122-mm rockets were being employed in ever-increasing numbers while smaller caliber shells came in on a much too regular basis.

During this period either I or General Davis worked out of our Division Forward Command Post adjacent to A Luoi Airstrip. This expedited our coordination with non-divisional units such as the 3d Army of the Republic of Vietnam Regiment and enabled us to continue our reconnaissance in force with the greatest flexibility and response. There had been no great changes in our plan after the first assault. Now, planning for a difficult extraction had to be initiated before the monsoon rains became too intense. Our problems now would be to backhaul any excess ammunition and supplies, destroy the maximum amount of enemy supplies, and leave behind thousands of mines and booby traps to make the enemy's future work more difficult. Extraction in many ways proved more difficult than the assault. Rain had already washed out a major portion of the A Luoi dirt airstrip. Consequently, all men and supplies would have to be lifted out by helicopter.

During Operation DELAWARE, our intelligence effort was supplemented by a small Department of Defense team of electronic experts. They came all the way from Washington to emplace the then-new acoustic sensors in the A Shau. The team supplemented our other intelligence capabilities during the operation and placed some sensors that would remain to monitor enemy activity after our forces left the area.

Extraction from the A Shau Valley began on 10 May with elements of the 3d Brigade, 1st Cavalry Division, and the 3d Army of the Republic of Vietnam Regiment being air-lifted out of the valley. The remaining units continued offensive operations in their respective areas, meeting light resistance. The list of captured enemy supplies and equipment continued to grow. A partial list included:

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Operation DELAWARE-LAM SON 216 was officially terminated on 17 May. General Rosson labeled Operation DELAWARE as

The 1st Cavalry Division had gone into the A Shau Valley in the face of the heaviest enemy air defense ever encountered in airmobile operations up to that time. According to the military textbooks, this would have been called "medium intensity" antiaircraft fire. To the pilots Who had to fly into this area day in and day out, "medium" hardly seemed the appropriate descriptive word. There is no doubt that the enemy had ringed this important base with sophisticated heavy antiaircraft defenses including 37-mm weapons. They had planned and interlocked their fire zones over a period of some years. While the 1st Cavalry Division lost twenty-one helicopters in this operation, the fact that they Were able to make a major move into such an area in the face of this threat and under the Worst possible Weather conditions is a tribute of the soundness of the airmobile concept. Some of the helicopters that were lost ignored clear warnings of intense enemy concentra-

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tions that had been uncovered by prior reconnaissance. At times the weather gave an additional aid to the enemy by channeling helicopters into certain flight paths to go underneath the clouds. The enemy, of course, adjusted his fire to the obvious approaches.

The list of ammunition, weapons, and equipment that was destroyed in Operation DELAWARE was most impressive in itself. This was, in a manner of speaking, the enemy's Cam Ranh Bay. However, I believe one of the greatest intangible results of this operation was the psychological blow to the enemy in discovering that there was no place in Vietnam where lie could really establish a secure sanctuary. The enemy had always considered A Shau Valley to be his personal real estate and it was a symbol of his relative invulnerability. Operation DELAWARE destroyed that symbol.

From the allied point of view, Operation DELAWARE brought out one important consideration. Weather had been the key planning factor on the timing of this operation from the beginning. The urgency to terminate Operation PEGASUS in order to go into the A Shau Valley was based on inches of rain to be expected after the month of April, not ceilings and visibilities which would prove so critical. In other words, the forecast monsoon rains (which did occur) never produced the terrible flying conditions of low ceilings and scud which preceded them in April. An air cavalry division can operate in and around the scattered monsoon storms and cope with the occasional heavy cloudbursts far better than it can operate in extremely low ceilings and fog. The monsoon rains did, in fact, wash out the hastily constructed airfield but our capability for airmobile operations improved during the period. The lesson learned, then, was that one must be very careful to pick the proper weather indices in selecting an appropriate time for an airmobile operation. An inch of rain that falls in thirty minutes is not nearly as important as a tenth of an inch which falls as a light mist over 24 hours. According to the long range forecast based on old French records, April Was supposed to have been the best month for weather in the A Shau Valley. As it turned out, May would have been a far better month—but you don't win them all.