With the exception of decentralizing its maintenance, the organization of the 1st Cavalry Division had remained essentially unchanged since its deployment to Vietnam. Indeed, General Howze would find its organization very similar to the proposed plan his Board had prepared in 1962. However, after the Cambodian campaign, the ever-increasing area of operation, and the requirement to support more Army of the Republic of Vietnam operations, General Putnam was prompted to examine means to increase his air cavalry capability.

In August 1970, General Putnam directed an analysis of the productivity of the aircraft assets of the 1st Cavalry Division. This analysis disclosed that airlift escort by a section of two Cobras from the gun company of the airlift battalions was the least productive mission being flown by the division. It was determined that the escort at that time could be forgone since aerial rocket artillery ships were always at the critical points, the pickup zones and landing zones. The analysis also revealed that essential general support missions normally flown by the OH-6A could be supported by fewer aircraft if careful controls were maintained. Based on these findings, two provisional air cavalry troops were formed using the Assault Weapons Companies of the 227th and 229th Assault Helicopter Battalions and attaching necessary OH-6's and personnel from other Division units. This enlarged the air cavalry squadron to five troops and greatly increased the Division's capability to cover its farflung operations.

A short time later, the 1st Cavalry Division was given operational control of a separate air cavalry squadron, the 3d Battalion 17th Cavalry. General Putnam commented:

During this same period in late 1970 the 1st Cavalry Division introduced new airmobile tactics in using the 81-mm mortar. The 81-mm mortar, long a valuable weapon to the Infantry, was used by the 1st Cavalry to support strike operations outside of tube artillery range. The mortar, which required a smaller security element than an artillery base and could be supported by the Huey, was established in a temporary mini-base located on the periphery of regular artillery range to extend indirect fire in support of ground troops. This became increasingly important as the number of squad and platoon-size operations increased.

After the Cambodian Campaign, it became the rule rather than the exception to conduct small unit operations down to separate squad and platoon-size forces, rather than the multi-battalion operations of previous years. In this way the Cavalry could cover a larger area more thoroughly, but this method of operation brought with it the requirement for a high caliber of leadership at the lowest level. The young Cavalry lieutenants and sergeants more than adequately proved they were up to the job. These small unit operations were enhanced by the inherent capability of the division to reinforce rapidly and the great flexibility and variety of firepower at its disposal.

As an example of the firepower available at this time, the standard armament of the Cobra now included the 2.75-inch rocket with a 17 pound warhead, the very effective 2.75-inch Flechette rocket, and the SX-35 20-mm cannon. The firepower of the division was enhanced by the intelligence gathering capability of the Seismic Intrusion Devices which were dropped by UH-1H helicopters along known infiltration routes. Once enemy movement had been detected, a small unit was lifted into an area well ahead of the enemy's determined course of movement and established an effective ambush with artillery and gunships standing by.

The final airmobile operation to be included in this study was given the code name of LAMSON 719. This combined operation took place in Laos from 8 February to 9 April 1971. LAMSON 719 was

unique in many ways, but of principal concern to this study was the impression, generated both in and out of the military by the early reports of severe helicopter losses, that the airmobile concept had "fallen flat on its face"—that airmobility brought unacceptable risks when subject to any threat more than low-intensity antiaircraft fire in the "permissive" environment of South Vietnam. As is so often the case, the impact of the initial headlines remained uncorrected by the later objective review of the facts. Many believed that this operation was nothing short of a disaster when, in fact, it proved again the basic soundness of the airmobile concept and scored a devastating blow to the enemy's logistics sanctuary in Laos.

In the next few pages I've made no attempt to relate the full story of LAMSON 719—the detailed ground battle between the communist forces and the Army of the Republic of Vietnam. That is properly a Vietnamese story—to be recounted elsewhere. For the record, the Army of the Republic of Vietnam fought tenaciously against ever-increasing odds and reached their objective. The Laos operation was a tactical and strategic success, as well as a psychological success, for the Republic of Vietnam.

Before one draws any comparisons between the Laos operations and airmobile operations conducted by the U. S. Army, it must be realized that LAMSON 719 was a very special operation in which strict rules governed U. S. military operations across the Laotian border. While the Republic of Vietnam Armed Forces could operate freely on the ground and in the air within Laos, U. S. Forces were restricted to air operations under specific rules of engagement and were prohibited from fighting on the ground.

The fact that U. S. personnel were forbidden to go on the ground in Laos required modification of normal procedures for supporting firepower, coordination and conduct of airmobile operations, and rescue and recovery of downed crews and aircraft. The absence of U. S. advisors with the ground forces and the language difficulties added further complications.

Furthermore, LAMSON 719 was a combined operation in which Lieutenant General Hoaug Xuan Lam, the Commanding General, I Corps, Army of the Republic of Vietnam, planned and conducted the ground operations in Laos while Lieutenant General James W. Sutherland, the Commanding General, XXIV Corps, U. S. Army, planned, co-ordinated, and conducted airmobile and aviation operations in support of Republic of Vietnam Armed Forces ground operations. Though these two commanders developed a high order of co-operation and mutual confidence, there was an absence of the

unity of command of ground and airmobile forces that characterized airmobile operations conducted unilaterally by the United States Army.

By late September and early October 1970 it had become obvious from various enemy actions and intelligence sources that the North Vietnamese Army planned to strangle Phnom Penh and overthrow the Lon Nol Government. At the same time, there was ample evidence that the North Vietnam Army would continue its aggression against South Vietnam and rebuild its bases along the Cambodian border adjacent to III and IV Corps Tactical Zones. The key to these enemy operations was an intensified resupply and reinforcement operation in southern Laos during the dry season which would last from mid-October to mid-April 1971.

December 1970 and January 1971 brought a sharp increase in the amount of supplies moved into the southern Laotian area known as Base Area 604, adjacent to Quang Tri Province in I Corps Tactical Zone. The intelligence community further noted that only a small portion of these supplies had been moved further to the south. In previous years the enemy had reached his peak efficiency in February and March in moving supplies down the Ho Chi Minh Trail. Accordingly, an attack against the base areas in Laos during these months presented the highest probability of inflicting the greatest damage to the enemy. Operation LAMSON 719 was conceived, developed, and implemented to react to this intelligence information.

Air interdiction of the entry points from North Vietnam into southern Laos had intensified since October 1970 and the 7th Air Force had been very effective in destroying enemy trucks. A new record of kills was reached in December and January. Army of the Republic of Vietnam operations into Cambodia were started in November 1970 with the mission of opening land and water routes to Phnom Penh. The Vietnamese forces had successfully expanded their area of operation and demonstrated their ability to conduct a major campaign without any advisory supervision.

In early February 1971 the Government of Vietnam decided to commit more than three Army of the Republic of Vietnam divisions to interdict the enemy's supply and infiltration routes in southern Laos and to destroy his logistical facilities and supplies. The broad objective was to reduce the North Vietnam Army capability for waging war in the south and to advance the security of the people of the Republic of Vietnam.

The operational area of LAMSON 719 covered an area roughly thirty-five to sixty kilometers. The geography of this area varied

dramatically. The Xe Pon River split the area and was roughly paralleled by Highway Nine. Vegetation was mostly single or double canopy jungle along the river. Just south of the river rose a sheer escarpment leading to rugged mountainous terrain. Natural clearings were rare throughout the area and landing zones usually had to be carved out of the dense undergrowth. Intelligence indicated that the natural landing zones would be heavily defended.

The airmobile operations of LAMSON 719 were spread through three areas: the coastal base camps where most of the helicopters were kept at night; the forward staging area at Khe Sanh, where only a few helicopters remained overnight; and the operational area over Laos. Weather conditions at any one or all three locations could have a major effect on helicopter support. The right combination of weather conditions had to exist before helicopters could take off from the coastal bases, land at Khe Sanh to refuel and be briefed for missions, and fly into the operational area over Laos.

Early morning fog, rain and cloud cover, sometimes delayed airmobile operations until late morning or early afternoon. Rarely did weather conditions preclude operations all day throughout the operational area. On occasion, airmobile operations were conducted under ceilings and weather conditions that precluded employment of tactical air support. The smoke and dust raised by artillery combined with natural haze sharply reduced the visibility and frequently caused flying safety hazards. The highest degree of professionalism was required from all pilots.

The terrain features in the area, especially the higher elevation of the Annamite Mountain chain in the operational area, combined with the marginal weather to have a decided effect on airmobile operations. The river valleys, in particular the east-west oriented Xe Pon, became natural flight routes due to navigational requirements in marginal weather. This in turn focused enemy antiaircraft fire on obvious air routes.

The enemy forces in southern Laos were logistics organizations of Base Area 604, with reinforcements from regular North Vietnamese Army units. Besides the permanent service force of engineers, transportation, and antiaircraft troops, the North Vietnam Army forces included elements of five divisions, twelve infantry regiments, a tank regiment, an artillery regiment, and nineteen antiaircraft battalions. Each of the divisions had previously fought in South Vietnam and most of the enemy had taken part in the large-scale operations around Khe Sanh and Hue in 1967 and 1968. In summary, the enemy consisted of large conventional forces of

infantry, tanks, and artillery capable of sustained mid-intensity conflict—lacking only air support.

The major Army of the Republic of Vietnam forces assigned to LAMSON 719 were the 1st Infantry Division, 1st Airborne Division, the Marine Division, three battalions of Rangers, and the 1st Armored Brigade with three cavalry squadrons. The U. S. elements operating in direct support of the Army of the Republic of Vietnam troops inside Laos consisted of the 2d Squadron, 17th Cavalry with four Air Cavalry troops, the 101st Aviation Group, with a number of aviation units under their operational control from the 1st Aviation Brigade, and one squadron of Marine medium transport helicopters.

The tactical concept for LAMSON 719 envisioned the Airborne Division, with the 1st Armored Brigade attached, making the main attack by air assault and overland movement astride Highway Nine to Aloui, and then proceeding in subsequent attacks to Tchepone. (Map 11) Highway Nine was to be opened as the main supply route. The 1st Infantry Division, according to the concept, was to attack on a parallel axis to the main attack along the high ground south of the Xe Pon River and protect the left flank of the Airborne Division. The Ranger group would establish a fire base, near the Laotian border north of Tabat, and protect the right flank of the Airborne Division. A Marine brigade was to be the reserve in the vicinity of Khe Sanh.

As early as January 1971, a planning group consisting of key staff officers from the U.S. XXIV Corps and Army of the Republic of Vietnam I Corps was established at Da Nang. Information on the operation was tightly held and, in some instances, this restriction of information complicated the preparation for LAMSON 719, especially in those areas where a long lead time was necessary. Though control and coordination procedures were agreed upon, it would not be until three weeks after Vietnamese troops had crossed the Laotian border that a combined tactical command post at Khe Sanh became a reality.

The attack into Laos was initiated on 8 February from bases established on the Khe Sanh Plain. The Army of the Republic of Vietnam 1st Armored Brigade Task Force crossed the border at 1000 and advanced nine kilometers to the west along Route Nine on the first day. Three battalions of the 3d Regiment, 1st Army of the Republic of Vietnam Infantry Division, air assaulted into land-

ing zones south of Route Nine while two battalions of the 1st Army of the Republic of Vietnam Airborne Division air assaulted north of Route Nine. Some 105-mm howitzer batteries were airlanded in both areas on D-day.

On 9 February, all air moves were canceled due to adverse weather; however, the armored task force was able to move two kilometers further to the west. On 10 February, the 1st Army of the Republic of Vietnam Airborne Division air assaulted a battalion into Objective Aloui and the armored task force linked up with this battalion at 1555. On the same day, the 1st Army of the Republic of Vietnam Division landed a battalion at landing zone DELTA and the initial objectives of LAMSON 719 had been seized.

After the attack on 8 February the enemy reacted violently to the allied offensive. He aggressively employed his weapons and troops already present in Southern Laos and he reinforced heavily his forces and committed a variety of weapons including tanks to the battle. Reinforcements came from North Vietnam, South Vietnam, and other parts of Laos.

By 19 February the Rangers in the north were receiving frequent attacks by medium artillery, sappers, and infantry and resistance was stiffening in the area of the 1st Army of the Republic of Vietnam Airborne Division. Resupply and medical evacuation became increasingly more difficult. When weather precluded the employment of tactical air, as it often did until noon, and emergency resupply and medical evacuation was urgently required, the availability of helicopter gunships became even more critical.

By 22 February attacks against Fire Bases 30 and 31 and the Ranger positions were becoming more frequent and more intense. Enemy mines, ambushes, and the severe lack of maneuver room combined to slow the movement of the armor columns and they were unable to reach the Rangers to relieve the pressure. Consequently, it was decided to extract the Rangers on 25 February to a less hostile area near the Republic of Vietnam border. However, by this time, enemy supply bases one and two kilometers square had been found and a major petroleum, oils, and lubricants pipeline had been found and cut by Air Cavalry gunships. Tons of ammunition and food stocks had been destroyed. Six hundred and eighty weapons had been captured.

On 25 February the enemy made a classic armor attack against Fire Base 31. They had moved their armor stealthily over concealed routes to final assault positions before being discovered. Then the tanks with supporting infantry launched a violent daylight attack against the fire base. The defenders, supported by U. S.

tactical air, threw back the first and second waves of the enemy attack; but, on the third wave, three Soviet-made T-34 tanks made it to the top of the Base and forced the withdrawal of the defenders. This was to be the first and last success of enemy tanks during LAMSON 719 and the only friendly fire base to be completely overrun in Laos.

Three Army of the Republic of Vietnam armored cavalry squadrons and four infantry battalions had not proved sufficient to provide ground security for the 20 kilometers of road in Laos. Consequently, General Lam had reassessed his plan of attack after the disappointing results of friendly armor in keeping open Highway Nine. Obviously he could no longer plan to use this as a secure main supply route. Capitalizing on his airmobile support, he decided to attack the main objective of Tchepone with a series of rapid air assaults along the high escarpment to the south of the river using the 1st Infantry Division.

From 3 to 6 March, the 1st Army of the Republic of Vietnam Division had accomplished a series of airmobile assaults to the west along the escarpment overlooking Route Nine. The first Army of the Republic of Vietnam units air assaulted successfully into landing zones LOLO, LIZ, and Fire Base SOPHIA WEST. After a very effective preparation of the area by B-52's, on 6 March two infantry battalions were lifted by 120 Hueys for 65 kilometers to air assault into landing zone HOPE north of Tchepone. This large combat assault was carried out in what was considered to be the most hostile air defense environment ever encountered in the entire war, yet only one Huey was hit and it made a safe landing in the objective area. The Army of the Republic of Vietnam units attacked south and west controlling the town. (Map 12) Tchepone was the objective of the allied drive to the west and was the natural communications hub of the enemy's logistics system in Laos. The enemy immediately increased his pressure in the Tchepone area and attacked the Army of the Republic of Vietnam fire bases on the escarpment viciously.

The I Corps Commander decided that most of the objectives of LAMSON 719 had been accomplished and ordered a timed withdrawal from Laos before weather worsened. During the extraction to the east from the Tchepone area, new enemy forces brought heavy pressure to bear on the Army of the Republic of Vietnam all along Route Nine. Extremely heavy antiaircraft fires were encountered along routes to or from the Army of the Republic of Vietnam fire bases. Enemy pressure was also felt at the primary U. S. Forward Support Area at Khe Sanh which received heavy

attacks by fire and sappers. All and all, the enemy used every means at his disposal to make the allied withdrawal as difficult as possible.

The last elements of the 1st Infantry Division were extracted on 21 March and the remaining Vietnamese forces withdrew back into South Vietnam over the next few days. The major airmobile actions in Laos were terminated by 25 March even though some Army of the Republic of Vietnam forces continued to operate across the border. Two highly successful airmobile raids of battalion size were conducted between 31 March and 6 April.

Thousands of tons of ammunition, petroleum, oils, and lubricants, and other supplies and equipment were destroyed by LAMSON 719 forces including U. S. air assets. In addition to the destruction of these stockpiles, supplies from the caches of Base area 604 were at least partially consumed by the North Vietnam Army forces opposing LAMSON 719. Initial reports of supplies and equipment destroyed or captured include over 4,000 individual weapons; more than 1,500 crew-served weapons; 20,000 tons of ammunition; 12,000 tons of rice; 106 tanks; 76 artillery pieces; and 405 trucks. The effectiveness of B-52 strikes, tactical air, helicopter gunships, and artillery is further indicated by over 9,700 secondary explosions.

As a minimum, it can accurately be stated that the enemy lines of communication in Base Area 604 were severed, and that supplies and equipment ceased to move south through this area during the inclusive dates of the operation. This was particularly significant, for in past years the enemy has reached his peak efficiency in moving resources south during the months of February and March. Additionally, the detailed knowledge obtained concerning the location of depots, trail networks, truck parks, and the fuel pipeline would permit more precise targeting in the future.

Enemy personnel losses were very heavy. While these losses might eventually be replaced, the requirement to replace losses in such regiments as the 1st Viet Cong, 29th, 36th, 64th, 102d, and 803d would, in all probability, draw off replacement personnel programmed for other units. Combined air-ground operations in Base Area 604 resulted in a reported total of 13,914 enemy killed in action. Air and ground attacks inside the five depot areas reportedly accounted for 5,357 of these casualties. An additional 69 enemy soldiers were captured.

The precise impact of LAMSON 719 on the enemy's long-range goals must be left for future studies. The important issue here is

whether the airmobility concept failed or succeeded in this important test.

The average American citizen could not help but conclude from the headlines that the helicopter had proved to be an unacceptable combat vehicle. Many reporters picked up random stories from anyone willing to talk and the overall picture was grim. The following excerpt from Newsweek, 15 March 1971, was more objective than most:

To put the story of airmobility during LAMSON 719 into focus, it's necessary to examine the threat. With the exception of enemy air, it could be said that the environment in Laos was as hostile and as sophisticated as most of the probable areas of employment of U. S. forces throughout the world. The North Vietnamese Army had skillfully deployed an extensive well-integrated, highly mobile air defense system throughout the entire operational area. Whereas in Vietnam and Cambodia we had operated against 7.62-mm and limited 12.7-mm fire, with occasional concentrations of the latter, operations in Laos had been regularly opposed by 23-mm, 37-mm and 57-mm weapons, while the 12.7-mm guns were employed in

multiple mutual supporting positions. The enemy not only had large numbers of antiaircraft weapons of several calibers, but he used these weapons in a manner specifically designed to counter airmobile operations.

The North Vietnamese Army soldier enjoyed a considerably greater fire support in Laos than he had previously experienced in South Vietnam and his antiaircraft weapons had been carefully positioned over a period of years. The 12.7-mm weapons were often employed in triangular or rectangular formations in the vicinity of high ground approximately 1,000 meters from a potential landing zone. The 23-mm guns were employed in circular or triangular formations, though on occasion a single gun was used to protect storage sites or vital road networks. The extensive enemy threat was compounded by the fact that his antiaircraft weapons were continually redeployed, usually on a day-to-day basis.

One enemy tactic that proved most difficult to counter was the North Vietnamese Army technique of employing 10- to 12-man combat teams—on or near every piece of critical terrain—protected by bunkers and trenches. These small teams, armed with one or two machineguns and 82mm mortar and one or two rocket launchers, attacked allied aircraft and infantry on virtually every landing zone, pick up zone, and friendly troop position within the range of their weapons.

The enemy also used their "hugging" tactic which had proven effective in earlier encounters. Using this tactic, North Vietnamese Army forces sometimes moved to within 10 to 20 meters of friendly units manning perimeters and securing positions. Friendly forces were often reluctant to bring supporting fires close enough to their own positions to harm the enemy and, consequently, the close-in enemy could direct a heavy volume of short-range small arms, antiaircraft weapons, and rocket launcher fire against helicopters flying in and out of friendly positions. On occasion, helicopters were fired at and hit by North Vietnamese Army riflemen lying on and back inside of barb wire barriers surrounding a friendly position.

Because of the ever-present enemy threat, every airmobile operation in LAMSON 719—even single ship resupply and medical evacuation missions—had to be planned and conducted as a complete combat operation. This entailed a separate fire plan, allocation of escorting armed helicopters, and contingency plans for securing and recovering downed crews and aircraft.

The 101st Airborne Division (Airmobile), under the command of Major General Thomas M. Tarpley, was given the mission to

provide support and assistance to the U. S. and Vietnamese forces participating in LAMSON 719 operations in western Quang Tri Province and in Laos, while still continuing the Division's winter campaign in Thua Thien Province. Furthermore, the Division would take over operational and security responsibility of the areas previously covered by the 1st Army of the Republic of Vietnam Division in Quang Tri Province and along the Demilitarized Zone. They would also conduct diversionary operations from the Hue area into the A Shau Valley along route 547. LAMSON 719 would receive top priority in all cases.

The support provided to I Corps Forces in Laos as well as to the U. S. forces operating in the northern provinces could not have been maintained at a high level throughout LAMSON 719 had not U.S. Army, Vietnam, devoted a major portion of its assets in support. Damaged or destroyed aircraft would be quickly replaced and maintenance support given priority to those aviation units assigned to or under the operational control of the 101st Airborne Division.

A special aviation task force organization was created to provide the extensive aviation support required by LAMSON 719. This aviation task force was built around the structure of the 101st Airborne Division (Airmobile) by supplementing the division's organic assets with aviation and air cavalry units from other divisions, the 1st Aviation Brigade, and from units scheduled for deactivation or redeployment. The division's 2d Squadron, 17th Cavalry, took operational control of supplemental air cavalry troops. The Division Support Command provided logistic and maintenance support for supplemental and organic units and established forward refueling and rearming points to support the operation. The 101st Division used its command and control structure to command the aviation and air cavalry units and to plan and conduct the airmobile operations in support of LAMSON 719.

One of the key U. S. commanders during LAMSON 719 was Brigadier General Sidney B. Berry, Jr. the Assistant Division Commander (Operations) of the 101st. He had a dual role as coordinator of U. S. aviation resources and defacto aviation officer to the Vietnamese I Corps Commander. These two hats made it possible for him to carry out the key position of senior commander aloft. In this position, he was separate from, and senior to, the ground and air mission commanders.

The availability of armed helicopters for the escort role was a major limiting factor in just how many different airmobile operations could be conducted simultaneously. To meet the demand for armed helicopters, many of the older UH-1C armed Hueys were

committed to the action. However, this aircraft complicated the planning on armed helicopter support, for the older Huey could not keep up with, or perform as well as, the preferred Cobra.

With all its limitations, the armed helicopter proved the most important fire-support weapons system during LAMSON 719. Armed helicopters provided the capability for detecting and immediately engaging battlefield targets of opportunity close to friendly troops on the ground-a system unmatched by any other weapons system in the United States inventory. Armed helicopters, operating with the air cavalry, aerial rocket artillery, and escorting troop-lift, heavy-lift, and support aircraft, literally covered the battle area with their ability to respond immediately and accurately with their fire against known and suspected enemy weapons and positions. Armed helicopters often operated under low ceilings and weather conditions that restricted or precluded use of tactical air in close support of ground units or airmobile operations. Armed helicopters, particularly those of the air cavalry, played a key role in acquiring targets, directing artillery fire and tactical air strikes against them, and conducting battle damage assessments.

One can not overstate the importance of the air cavalry in this operation. They seemed to be omnipresent; they found most of the targets; and they were generally the first on the scene and the last to leave. All that I have said before about the merits of this organization was exemplified in Laos.

Air cavalry performed two principal missions during LAMSON 719—reconnaissance to the flanks and front of ground operations and reconnaissance and security of landing zones before and during combat assaults and extractions. Lieutenant Colonel Robert F. Molinelli, the Commanding Officer, 2d Squadron, 17th Cavalry was the principal reconnaissance officer for the operation.¹ Directing his four air cavalry troops, he took his assigned tasks directly from the Commanding General, I Corps, and delivered his reports back through both Army of the Republic of Vietnam and U.S. channels.² This system of assigning tasks and multiplicity of reporting channels testifies to the critical role played by the Air Cavalry. As the battle progressed it became evident that, because of their great confidence in the Air Cavalry, the Vietnamese units tended

1. To be replaced by Lieutenant Colonel Archie A. Rider on 5 March.
2. Colonel Molinelli put it this Way: "I took my directions directly from General Lam, with General Sutherland supervising our operations on a daily basis. He (General Sutherland) was pretty much the on-the-scene commander until the combined tactical command post was established at Khe Sanh."

to employ the Air Cavalry in the close fire support role rather than in the reconnaissance role.

During LAMSON 719, the 2d Battalion 17th Cavalry encountered PT-76 tanks, a target new to the squadron.³ Initially, anti-tank rockets were not available; engagement was made with ordnance on hand. Upon sighting a tank the Cobras would initiate contact at maximum range with 2.75-inch flechette rockets. This served to wipe personnel off the vehicles and their immediate proximity. As the gun run continued, the AH-1G pilots would begin firing a mixture of high explosive and white phosphorous rockets, breaking off the run at approximately 500 meters and, indeed, often overflying the target.

When available, the XM-35 20-mm. cannon was used. This weapon was extremely accurate, and afforded a theoretical standoff distance of 2,000 to 2,500 meters; however, adequate ammunition was not available for this weapon. When high explosive, anti-tank rockets became available, results were mixed. This rocket was capable of penetrating armor, but direct hits on the target were required. Accuracy dictated that engagements be made at ranges of 500-1,000 meters from the target, thus exposing the gunship to the tank's 12.7-mm and to supporting enemy infantry in the area.

Upon sighting a tank or group of tanks, the Cavalry gunships would engage them to maintain contact, then normally turn the target over to the Air Force and continue reconnaissance missions. If Tactical air was not available, the gunships would engage tanks until their ordnance was expended; but they rarely had enough ordnance to destroy every tank in a particular sighting. Between 8 February 1971 and 24 March 1971, the Cavalry sighted 66 tanks, destroyed (burned) six, and immobilized eight.⁴ Three of the destroyed tanks were hit with flechettes, High Explosive and White Phosphorous; and the other three were destroyed by combinations of flechettes, High Explosive, White Phosphorous, and High Explosive Antitank. The majority of the other tanks not destroyed or damaged by the Cavalry were turned over to the U. S. Air Force.

3. The PT-76 cannot be truly classified as a "tank." It is better described as a lightly armored gun carriage. The Cavalry troops also sighted, but did not engage, T-34 tanks. In addition, there were reports (unconfirmed) from tactical air of an even heavier tank-the T-54.
4. The following criteria were established by the 2d Battalion, 17 Cavalry to claim a tank destroyed or damaged. To classify a tank destroyed, the tank had to explode or burn; whereas a damaged tank was immobilized, parts were blown off and the tank was incapable of further movement without repair.

In summing up the exploits of his air cavalry troops, Colonel Molinelli said: "I think that the use of air cavalry in Laos pretty much proved two major points that those of us in Aviation have always maintained. One, our aircraft are not as vulnerable as many people think in a mid-intensity environment; two, we certainly proved that Army aircraft are capable of attacking enemy armor."

Describing the limitations of current armed helicopters, General Berry commented on 20 March 1971 as follows:

On this same date, General Berry commented on several other aspects of LAMSON 719. These comments—which were made before the actual close of the operation and right where the action was happening—bear repeating:

One of the great stories of LAMSON 719 is the magnificent effort to recover downed aircraft. Wherever possible, an immediate effort was made to extract any downed aircraft and crew, even in the face of hostile fire, and with the knowledge that the North Vietnamese often used downed aircraft as bait with which to draw more equipment and personnel into an ambush. In some cases, the downed aircraft had to be destroyed because the tactical situation precluded recovery.

Research analysts will be working with the data base from LAMSON 719 for a long time, particularly on the vulnerability aspects of the helicopter. It would take several volumes to summarize their parameters and permutation alone. For the purpose of this monograph, I think it is fair to say that the loss rate experienced by Army helicopters compared favorably with the loss rate of high performance aircraft in Southeast Asia for the same period. Most importantly these loses were not considered unacceptable in view of the mission accomplished.

There is always the temptation to fall back on the trite statement that "war has never been a particularly safe business" and dismiss further discussion, of loss in combat. However, no professional leader ever takes any of his losses lightly and the lessons

learned from Laos will be studied intently for years to come to find better and safer means to carry out the airmobile mission. The general reaction of the Army aviator after LAMSON 719 was "if we could pull this off under these conditions, we can do it anywhere in the world." The senior commanders on the scene seem to share this conclusion.

In the context of the enemy's highly developed antiaircraft defense capability, can we make a valid judgment of the airmobile concept from the results of LAMSON 719? Let's be candid. Our total helicopter losses during this operation were 107 aircraft. Taken by itself, that figure seems a de facto indictment of the concept. But the last statistic does not tell the whole story-indeed, it is totally misleading if left unqualified.

The basic fact is: LAMSON 719 would never have been undertaken, much less successfully completed, without the support of thousands of helicopter sorties. And for every thousand sorties the loss rate was only one quarter of one Percent. Granted, every helicopter loss was regrettable; however, this ratio does show a very high rate of accomplishment versus attrition. Most of these losses were troop transport Hueys—and more than half of these were lost just as they approached landing zones. This again points out in the strongest way that the helicopter is most vulnerable as it comes to a hover over an unsecured or partially secured area. In other words, the safety of the helicopter pilot depends very much on the infantryman on the ground who he supports.

Not unexpectedly, the older Huey gunships did not fare as well as the Cobra in this intense air defense environment. The higher attrition rate of the armed Huey's proved that the move to the faster and better protected Cobra was timely and necessary. Many of the Cobras were hit by 12.7-mm fire but managed to return to base and, eventually, return to combat.

I recognize that this account of LAMSON 719 focuses on the airmobility aspects and does not pretend to tell the entire story of this important battle, a battle that is perhaps too recent to put into true historical perspective. One thing is certain. Without the air support of the U.S. Army, Air Force, and Marines, LAMSON 719 would never have even been planned, much less would it have succeeded.