Chapter VII [1519]
TERRIBLE MASSACRE- TRANQUILLITY RESTORED-REFLECTIONS ON THE MASSACRE- FURTHER PROCEEDINGS-ENVOYS FROM MONTEZUMA
With the first streak of morning light, Cortes was seen on
horseback, directing the movements of his little band. The strength of
his forces he drew up in the great square or court, surrounded
partly by buildings, as before noticed, and in part by a high wall.
There were three gates of entrance, at each of which he placed a
strong guard. The rest of his troops, with his great guns, he posted
without the enclosure, in such a manner as to command the avenues, and
secure those within from interruption in their bloody work. Orders had
been sent the night before to the Tlascalan chiefs to hold
themselves ready, at a concerted signal, to march into the city and
join the Spaniards.
The arrangements were hardly completed, before the Cholulan
caciques appeared, leading a body of levies, tamanes, even more
numerous than had been demanded. They were marched at once into the
square, commanded, as we have seen, by the Spanish infantry, which was
drawn up under the walls. Cortes then took some of the caciques aside.
With a stern air, he bluntly charged them with the conspiracy, showing
that he was well acquainted with all the particulars. He had visited
their city, he said, at the invitation of their emperor; had come as
friend; had respected the inhabitants and their property; and, to
avoid all cause of umbrage, had left a great part of his forces
without the walls. They had received him with a show of kindness and
hospitality, and, reposing on this, he had been decoyed into the
snare, and found this kindness only a mask to cover the blackest
perfidy.
The Cholulans were thunderstruck at the accusation. An undefined
awe crept over them as they gazed on the mysterious strangers, and
felt themselves in the presence of beings who seemed to have the power
of reading the thoughts scarcely formed in their bosoms. There was
no use in prevarication or denial before such judges. They confessed
the whole, and endeavoured to excuse themselves by throwing the
blame on Montezuma. Cortes, assuming an air of higher indignation at
this, assured them that the pretence should not serve, since, even
if well founded, it would be no justification; and he would now make
such an example of them for their treachery, that the report of it
should ring throughout the wide borders of Anahuac! .
The fatal signal, the discharge of an arquebuse was then given. In
an instant every musket and crossbow was levelled at the unfortunate
Cholulans in the courtyard, and a frightful volley poured into them as
they stood crowded together like a herd of deer in the centre. They
were taken by surprise, for they had not heard the preceding
dialogue with the chiefs. They made scarcely any resistance to the
Spaniards, who followed up the discharge of their pieces by rushing on
them with their swords; and, as the half-naked bodies of the natives
afforded no protection, they hewed them down with as much ease as
the reaper mows down the ripe corn in harvest time. Some endeavoured
to scale the walls, but only afforded a surer mark to the arquebusiers
and archers. Others threw themselves into the gateways, but were
received on the long pikes of the soldiers who guarded them. Some
few had better luck in hiding themselves under the heaps of slain with
which the ground was soon loaded.
While this work of death was going on, the countrymen of the
slaughtered Indians, drawn together by the noise of the massacre,
had commenced a furious assault on the Spaniards from without. But
Cortes had placed his battery of heavy guns in a position that
commanded the avenues, and swept off the files of the assailants as
they rushed on. In the intervals between the discharges, which, in the
imperfect state of the science in that day, were much longer than in
ours, he forced back the press by charging with the horse into the
midst. The steeds, the guns, the weapons of the Spaniards, were all
new to the Cholulans. Notwithstanding the novelty of the terrific
spectacle, the flash of firearms mingling with the deafening roar of
the artillery, as its thunders reverberated among the buildings, the
despairing Indians pushed on to take the places of their fallen
comrades.
While this fierce struggle was going forward, the Tlascalans,
hearing the concerted signal, had advanced with quick pace into the
city. They had bound, by order of Cortes, wreaths of sedge round their
heads, that they might the more surely be distinguished from the
Cholulans. Coming up in the very heat of the engagement, they fell
on the defenceless rear of the townsmen, who, trampled down under
the heels of the Castilian cavalry on one side, and galled by their
vindictive enemies on the other, could no longer maintain their
ground. They gave way, some taking refuge in the nearest buildings,
which, being partly of wood, were speedily set on fire. Others fled to
the temples. One strong party, with a number of priests at its head,
got possession of the great teocalli. There was a vulgar tradition,
already alluded to, that, on removal of part of the walls, the god
would send forth an inundation to overwhelm his enemies. The
superstitious Cholulans with great difficulty succeeded in wrenching
way some of the stones in the walls of the edifice. But dust, not
water followed. Their false gods deserted them in the hour of need. In
despair they flung themselves into the wooden turrets that crowned the
temple, and poured down stones, javelins, and burning arrows on the
Spaniards, as they climbed the great staircase, which, by a flight
of one hundred and twenty steps, scaled the face of the pyramid. But
the fiery shower fell harmless on the steel bonnets of the Christians,
while they availed themselves of the burning shafts to set fire to the
wooden citadel, which was speedily wrapt in flames. Still the garrison
held out, and though quarter, it is said, was offered, only one
Cholulan availed himself of it. The rest threw themselves headlong
from the parapet, or perished miserably in the flames.
All was now confusion and uproar in the fair city which had so
lately reposed in security and peace. The groans of the dying, the
frantic supplications of the vanquished for mercy, were mingled with
the loud battle-cries of the Spaniards, as they rode down their enemy,
and with the shrill whistle of the Tlascalans, who gave full scope
to the long cherished rancour of ancient rivalry. The tumult was still
further swelled by the incessant rattle of musketry, and the crash
of falling timbers, which sent up a volume of flame that outshone
the ruddy light of morning, making altogether a hideous confusion of
sights and sounds, that converted the Holy City into a Pandemonium. As
resistance slackened, the victors broke into the houses and sacred
places, plundering them of whatever valuables they contained, plate,
jewels, which were found in some quantity, wearing apparel and
provisions, the two last coveted even more than the former by the
simple Tlascalans, thus facilitating a division of the spoil, much
to the satisfaction of their Christian confederates. Amidst this
universal licence, it is worthy of remark, the commands of Cortes were
so far respected that no violence was offered to women or children,
though these, as well as numbers of the men, were made prisoners, to
be swept into slavery by the Tlascalans. These scenes of violence
had lasted some hours, when Cortes, moved by the entreaties of some
Cholulan chiefs, who had been reserved from the massacre, backed by
the prayers of the Mexican envoys, consented, out of regard, as he
said, to the latter, the representatives of Montezuma, to call off the
soldiers, and put a stop, as well as he could, to further outrage. Two
of the caciques were also permitted to go to their countrymen with
assurances of pardon and protection to all who would return to their
obedience.
All was now confusion and uproar in the fair city which had so
lately reposed in security and peace. The groans of the dying, the
frantic supplications of the vanquished for mercy, were mingled with
the loud battle-cries of the Spaniards, as they rode down their enemy,
and with the shrill whistle of the Tlascalans, who gave full scope
to the long cherished rancour of ancient rivalry. The tumult was still
further swelled by the incessant rattle of musketry, and the crash
of falling timbers, which sent up a volume of flame that outshone
the ruddy light of morning, making altogether a hideous confusion of
sights and sounds, that converted the Holy City into a Pandemonium. As
resistance slackened, the victors broke into the houses and sacred
places, plundering them of whatever valuables they contained, plate,
jewels, which were found in some quantity, wearing apparel and
provisions, the two last coveted even more than the former by the
simple Tlascalans, thus facilitating a division of the spoil, much
to the satisfaction of their Christian confederates. Amidst this
universal licence, it is worthy of remark, the commands of Cortes were
so far respected that no violence was offered to women or children,
though these, as well as numbers of the men, were made prisoners, to
be swept into slavery by the Tlascalans. These scenes of violence
had lasted some hours, when Cortes, moved by the entreaties of some
Cholulan chiefs, who had been reserved from the massacre, backed by
the prayers of the Mexican envoys, consented, out of regard, as he
said, to the latter, the representatives of Montezuma, to call off the
soldiers, and put a stop, as well as he could, to further outrage. Two
of the caciques were also permitted to go to their countrymen with
assurances of pardon and protection to all who would return to their
obedience. The first act of Cortes was, to prevail on the Tlascalan chiefs to
liberate their captives. Such was their deference to the Spanish
commander, that they acquiesced, though not without murmurs,
contenting themselves, as they best could, with the rich spoil
rifled from the Cholulans, consisting of various luxuries long since
unknown in Tlascala. His next care was to cleanse the city from its
loathsome impurities, particularly from the dead bodies which lay
festering in heaps in the streets and great square. The general, in
his letter to Charles the Fifth, admits three thousand slain; most
accounts say six, and some swell the amount yet higher. As the
eldest and principal cacique was among the number, Cortes assisted the
Cholulans in installing a successor in his place. By these pacific
measures, confidence was gradually restored. The people in the
environs, reassured, flocked into the capital to supply the place of
the diminished population. The markets were again opened; and the
usual avocations of an orderly, industrious community were resumed.
Still, the long piles of black and smouldering ruins proclaimed the
hurricane which had so lately swept over the city, and the walls
surrounding the scene of slaughter in the great square, which were
standing more than fifty years after the event, told the sad tale of
the Massacre of Cholula.
This passage in their history is one of those that have left a
dark stain on the memory of the Conquerors. Nor can we contemplate
at this day, without a shudder, the condition of this fair and
flourishing capital thus invaded in its privacy, and delivered over to
the excesses of a rude and ruthless soldiery. But, to judge the action
fairly, we must transport ourselves to the age when it happened. The
difficulty that meets us in the outset is, to find a justification
of the right of conquest at all. But it should be remembered, that
religious infidelity, at this period, and till a much later, was
regarded- no matter whether founded on ignorance or education, whether
hereditary or acquired, heretical or pagan- as a sin to be punished
with fire and faggot in this world, and eternal suffering in the next.
Under this code, the territory of the heathen, wherever found, was
regarded as a sort of religious waif, which, in default of a legal
proprietor, was claimed and taken possession of by the Holy See, and
as such was freely given away, by the head of the church, to any
temporal potentate whom he pleased, that would assume the burden of
conquest. Thus, Alexander the Sixth generously granted a large portion
of the Western Hemisphere to the Spaniards, and of the Eastern to
the Portuguese. These lofty pretensions of the successors of the
humble fisherman of Galilee, far from being nominal, were acknowledged
and appealed to as conclusive in controversies between nations. With the right of conquest, thus conferred, came also the
obligation, on which it may be said to have been founded, to
retrieve the nations sitting in darkness from eternal perdition.
This obligation was acknowledged by the best and the bravest, the
gownsman in his closet, the missionary, and the warrior in the
crusade. However much it may have been debased by temporal motives and
mixed up with worldly considerations of ambition and avarice, it was
still active in the mind of the Christian conqueror. We have seen
how far paramount it was to every calculation of personal interest
in the breast of Cortes. The concession of the pope then, founded on
and enforcing the imperative duty of conversion, was the assumed
basis- and, in the apprehension of that age, a sound one- of the right
of conquest.
The right could not, indeed, be construed to authorise any
unnecessary act of violence to the natives. The present expedition, up
to the period of its history at which we are now arrived, had probably
been stained with fewer of such acts than almost any similar
enterprise of the Spanish discoverers in the New World. Throughout the
campaign, Cortes had prohibited all wanton injuries to the natives, in
person or property, and had punished the perpetrators of them with
exemplary severity. He had been faithful to his friends, and, with
perhaps a single exception, not unmerciful to his foes. Whether from
policy or principle, it should be recorded to his credit, though, like
every sagacious mind, he may have felt that principle and policy go
together. He had entered Cholula as a friend, at the invitation of the
Indian emperor, who had a real, if not avowed, control over the state.
He had been received as a friend, with every demonstration of good
will; when, without any offence of his own or his followers, he
found they were to be the victims of an insidious plot,- that they
were standing on a mine which might be sprung at any moment, and
bury them all in its ruins. His safety, as he truly considered, left
no alternative but to anticipate the blow of his enemies. Yet who
can doubt that the punishment thus inflicted was excessive,- that
the same end might have been attained by directing the blow against
the guilty chiefs, instead of letting it fall on the ignorant
rabble, who but obeyed the commands of their masters? But when was
it ever seen, that fear, armed with power, was scrupulous in the
exercise of it? or that the passions of a fierce soldiery, inflamed by
conscious injuries, could be regulated in the moment of explosion?
But whatever be thought of this transaction in a moral view, as
a stroke of policy it was unquestionable. The nations of Anahuac had
beheld, with admiration mingled with awe, the little band of Christian
warriors steadily advancing along the plateau in face of every
obstacle, overturning army after army with as much ease, apparently,
as the good ship throws off the angry billows from her bows; or rather
like the lava, which rolling from their own volcanoes, holds on its
course unchecked by obstacles, rock, tree, or building, bearing them
along, or crushing and consuming them in its fiery path. The prowess
of the Spaniards- "the white gods," as they were often called- made
them to be thought invincible. But it was not till their arrival at
Cholula that the natives learned how terrible was their vengeance,-
and they trembled! None trembled more than the Aztec emperor on his throne among
the mountains. He read in these events the dark character traced by
the finger of Destiny. He felt his empire melting away like a
morning mist. He might well feel so. Some of the most important cities
in the neighbourhood of Cholula, intimidated by the fate of that
capital, now sent their envoys to the Castilian camp, tendering
their allegiance, and propitiating the favour of the strangers by rich
presents of gold and slaves. Montezuma, alarmed at these signs of
defection, took counsel again of his impotent deities; but, although
the altars smoked with fresh hecatombs of human victims, he obtained
no cheering response. He determined, therefore, to send another
embassy to the Spaniards, disavowing any participation in the
conspiracy of Cholula.
Meanwhile Cortes was passing his time in that capital. He
thought that the impression produced by the late scenes, and by the
present restoration of tranquillity, offered a fair opportunity for
the good work of conversion. He accordingly urged the citizens to
embrace the Cross, and abandon the false guardians who had abandoned
them in their extremity. But the traditions of centuries rested on the
Holy City, shedding a halo of glory around it as "the sanctuary of the
gods," the religious capital of Anahuac. It was too much to expect
that the people would willingly resign this preeminence, and descend
to the level of an ordinary community. Still Cortes might have pressed
the matter, however unpalatable, but for the renewed interposition
of the wise Olmedo, who persuaded him to postpone it till after the
reduction of the whole country.
During the occurrence of these events, envoys arrived from Mexico.
They were charged, as usual, with a rich present of plate and
ornaments of gold; among others, artificial birds in imitation of
turkeys, with plumes of the same precious metal. To these were added
fifteen hundred cotton dresses of delicate fabric. The emperor even
expressed his regret at the catastrophe of Cholula, vindicated himself
from any share in the conspiracy, which, he said, had brought deserved
retribution on the heads of its authors, and explained the existence
of an Aztec force in the neighbourhood, by the necessity of repressing
some disorders there.N One cannot contemplate this pusillanimous conduct of Montezuma
without mingled feelings of pity and contempt. It is not easy to
reconcile his assumed innocence of the plot with many circumstances
connected with it. But it must be remembered here and always, that his
history is to be collected solely from Spanish writers, and such of
the natives as flourished after the Conquest, when the country had
become a colony of Spain. It is the hard fate of this unfortunate
monarch, to be wholly indebted for his portraiture to the pencil of
his enemies.
More than a fortnight had elapsed since the entrance of the
Spaniards into Cholula, and Cortes now resolved, without loss of time,
to resume his march towards the capital. His rigorous reprisals had so
far intimidated the Cholulans, that he felt assured he should no
longer leave an active enemy in his rear, to annoy him in case of
retreat. He had the satisfaction, before his departure, to heal the
feud- in outward appearance, at least- that had so long subsisted
between the Holy City and Tlascala, and which, under the revolution
which so soon changed the destinies of the country, never revived. It was with some disquietude that he now received an application
from his Cempoallan allies to be allowed to withdraw from the
expedition, and return to their own homes. They had incurred too
deeply the- resentment of the Aztec emperor, by their insults to his
collectors, and by their co-operation with the Spaniards, to care to
trust themselves in his capital. It was in vain Cortes endeavoured
to re-assure them by promises of his protection. Their habitual
distrust and dread of "the great Montezuma" were not to be overcome.
The general learned their determination with regret, for they had been
of infinite service to the cause by their staunch fidelity and
courage. All this made it the more difficult for him to resist their
reasonable demand. Liberally recompensing their services, therefore,
from the rich wardrobe and treasures of the emperor, he took leave
of his faithful followers, before his own departure from Cholula. He
availed himself of their return to send letters to Juan de
Escalante, his lieutenant at Vera Cruz, acquainting him with the
successful progress of the expedition. He enjoined on that officer
to strengthen the fortifications of the place, so as the better to
resist any hostile interference from Cuba,- an event for which
Cortes was ever on the watch,- and to keep down revolt among the
natives. He especially commended the Totonacs to his protection, as
allies whose fidelity to the Spaniards exposed them, in no slight
degree, to the vengeance of the Aztecs.
1. "Usáron los de Tlaxcalla de un aviso muy bueno y les dió Hernando Cortés porque fueran conocidos y no morir entre los enemigos por yerro, porque sus armas y divisas eran casi de una manera;.....y ansí se pusiéron en las cabezas unas guirnaldas de esparto á manera de torzales, y con esto eran conocidos los de nuestra parcialidad que no fué pequeño aviso." Camargo, Hist. de Tlascala, MS.
2. Camargo, Hist. de Tlascala, MS.--Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 4, 45.--Torquemada, Monarch. Ind., lib. 4, cap. 40.--Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., MS., cap. 84.--Gomara, Crónica, cap. 60.
3. "Matáron casi seis mil personas sin tocar á niños ni mugeres, porque así se les ordenó." Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 2, lib. 7, cap. 2.
4. Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 83.--Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., MS., ubi supra.
5 Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 83.
The descendants of the principal Cholulan cacique are living at this day in Puebla, according to Bustamante. See Gomara, Crónica, trad. de Chimalpain, (México, 1826,) tom. I. p. 98, nota.
6. Rel. Seg. de Cortés, ap. Lorenzana, 66.--Camargo, Hist. de Tlascala, MS.--Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., MS., cap. 84.--Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 4, 45.--Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 83.--Gomara, Crónica, cap. 60.--Sahagun, Hist. de Nueva España, MS., lib. 12, cap. 11.
Las Casas, in his printed treatise on the Destruction of the Indies, garnishes his account of these transactions with some additional and rather startling particulars. According to him, Cortés caused a hundred or more of the caciques to be impaled or roasted at the stake! He adds the report, that, while the massacre in the courtyard was going on, the Spanish general repeated a scrap of an old romance, describing Nero as rejoicing over the burning ruins of Rome;
"Mira Nero de Tarpeya,
Á Roma como se ardia.
Gritos dan niños y viejos,
Y él de nada se dolia."
(Brevísima Relacion, p. 46.)
This is the first instance, I suspect, on record, of any person being ambitious of finding a parallel for himself in that emperor! Bernal Diaz, who had seen "the interminable narrative," as he calls it, of Las Casas, treats it with great contempt. His own version--one of those chiefly followed in the text--was corroborated by the report of the missionaries, who, after the Conquest, visited Cholula, and investigated the affair with the aid of the priests and several old survivors who had witnessed it. It is confirmed in its substantial details by the other contemporary accounts. The excellent bishop of Chiapa wrote with the avowed object of moving the sympathies of his countrymen in behalf of the oppressed natives; a generous object, certainly, but one that has too often warped his judgment from the strict line of historic impartiality. He was not an eyewitness of the transactions in New Spain, and was much too willing to receive whatever would make for his case, and to "over-red," if I may so say, his argument with such details of blood and slaughter, as, from their very extravagance, carry their own refutation with them.
7. For an illustration of the above remark the reader is referred to the closing pages of chap. 7, Part II., of the "History of Ferdinand and Isabella," where I have taken some pains to show how deep settled were these convictions in Spain, at the period with which we are now occupied. The world had gained little in liberality since the age of Dante, who could coolly dispose of the great and good of Antiquity in one of the circles of Hell, because--no fault of theirs, certainly--they had come into the world too soon. The memorable verses, like many
others of the immortal bard, are a proof at once of the strength and weakness of the human understanding. They may be cited as a fair exponent of the popular feeling at the beginning of the sixteenth century.
"Ch' ei non peccaro, e, s'egli hanno mercedi,
Non basta, perch' e' non ebber battesmo,
Ch' á porta della fede che tu credi.
E, se furon dinanzi al Cristianesmo,
Non adorar debitamente Dio;
E di questi cotai son io medesmo
Per tai difetti, e non per altro rio,
Semo perduti, e sol di tanto offesi
Che sanza speme vivemo in disio."
Inferno, canto 4.
8. It is in the same spirit that the laws of Oleron, the maritime code of so high authority in the Middle Ages, abandon the property of the infidel, in common with that of pirates, as fair spoil to the true believer! "S'ilz sont pyrates, pilleurs, ou escumeurs de mer, ou Turcs, et autres contraires et ennemis de nostredicte foy catholicque, chascun peut prendre sur telles manieres de gens, comme sur chiens, et peut l'on les desrobber et spolier de lurs bins sans pugnition. C'est le judgment." Jugemens d'Oleron, Art. 45, ap. Collection de Lois Maritimes, par J. M. Pardessus, (ed. Paris, 1828,) tom. I. p. 351.
9. The famous bull of partition became the basis of the treaty of Tordesillas, by which the Castilian and Portuguese governments determined the boundary line of their respective discoveries; a line that secured the vast empire of Brazil to the latter, which from priority of occupation should have belonged to their rivals. See the History of Ferdinand and Isabella, Part I., chap. 18; Part II., chap. 9,--the closing pages of each.
10. It is the condition, unequivocally expressed and reiterated, on which Alexander VI., in his famous bulls of May 3d and 4th, 1493, conveys to Ferdinand and Isabella full and absolute right over all such territories in the Western World, as may not have been previously occupied by Christian princes. See these precious documents, in extenso, apud Navarrete, Colleccion de los Viages y Descubrimientos, (Madrid, 1825,) tom. II. Nos. 17, 18.
11. The ground on which Protestant nations assert a natural right to the fruits of their discoveries in the New World is very different. They consider that the earth was intended for cultivation; and that Providence never designed that hordes of wandering savages should hold a
territory far more than necessary for their own maintenance, to the exclusion of civilized man. Yet it may be thought, as far as improvement of the soil is concerned, that this argument would afford us but an indifferent tenure for much of our own unoccupied and uncultivated territory, far exceeding what is demanded for our present or prospective support. As to a right founded on difference of civilization, this is obviously a still more uncertain criterion. It is to the credit of our Puritan ancestors, that they did not avail themselves of any such interpretation of the law of nature, and still less rely on the powers conceded by King James' patent, asserting rights as absolute, nearly, as those claimed by the Roman See. On the contrary, they established their title to the soil by fair purchase of the Aborigines; thus forming an honorable contrast to the policy pursued by too many of the settlers on the American continents. It should be remarked, that, whatever difference of opinion may have subsisted between the Roman Catholic,--or rather the Spanish and Portuguese nations,--and the rest of Europe, in regard to the true foundation of their titles in a moral view, they have always been content, in their controversies with one another, to rest them exclusively on priority of discovery. For a brief view of the discussion, see Vattel, (Droit des Gens, sec. 209,) and especially Kent, (Commentaries on American Law, vol. III. lec. 51,) where it is handled with much perspicuity and eloquence. The argument, as founded on the law of nations, may be found in the celebrated case of Johnson v. McIntosh. (Wheaton, Reports of Cases in the Supreme Court of the United States, vol. VIII. p. 543, et seq.) If it were not treating a grave discussion too lightly, I should crave leave to refer the reader to the renowned Diedrich Knickerbocker's History of New York, (book 1, chap. 5,) for a luminous disquisition on this knotty question. At all events, he will find there the popular arguments subjected to the test of ridicule; a test, showing, more than any reasoning can, how much, or rather how little, they are really worth.
12. Los Dioses blancos.--Camargo, Hist. de Tlascala, MS.--Torquemada, Monarch. Ind., lib. 4, cap. 40.
13. Sahagun, Hist. de Nueva España, MS., lib. 12, cap. 11.
In an old Aztec harangue, made as a matter of form on the accession of a prince, we find the following remarkable prediction. "Perhaps ye are dismayed at the prospect of the terrible calamities that are one day to overwhelm us, calamities foreseen and foretold, though not felt, by our fathers!....When the destruction and desolation of the empire shall come, when all shall be plunged in darkness, when the hour shall arrive in which they shall make us slaves throughout the land, and we shall be condemned to the lowest and most degrading offices!" (Ibid., lib. 6, cap. 16.) This random shot of prophecy, which I have rendered literally, shows how strong and settled was the apprehension of some impending revolution.
14. Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 2, lib. 7, cap. 3.
15. Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 83.
16. Veytia, Hist. Antig., tom. I. cap. 13.
17. Humboldt, Vues des Cordillères, p. 32.
18. Rel. Seg. de Cortés, ap. Lorenzana, p. 69.--Gomara, Crónica, cap. 63.--Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 5.--Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., MS., cap. 84.
19. The language of the text may appear somewhat too unqualified, considering that three Aztec codices exist with interpretations. (See Ante, Vol. I. pp. 60, 61.) But they contain very few and general allusions to Montezuma, and these strained through commentaries of Spanish monks, oftentimes manifestly irreconcilable with the genuine Aztec notions. Even such writers as Ixtlilxochitl and Camargo, from whom, considering their Indian descent, we might expect more independence, seem less solicitous to show this, than their loyalty to the new faith and country of their adoption. Perhaps the most honest Aztec record of the period is to be obtained from the volumes, the twelfth book, particularly, of father Sahagun, embodying the traditions of the natives soon after the Conquest. This portion of his great work was rewritten by its author, and considerable changes were made in it, at a later period of his life. Yet it may be doubted if the reformed version reflects the traditions of the country as faithfully as the original, which is still in manuscript, and which I have chiefly followed.
20. Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 84, 85.--Rel. Seg. de Cortés, ap. Lorenzana, p. 67.--Gomara, Crónica, cap. 60.--Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 5.
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