V. PUBLIC DISCOURSE: WHIG AND TORY RHETORIC

In our macro- and microstructural analyses we have traced the development of the public debate and the role of individual genres. Naturally, Government and Opposition alike drew on a set stock of linguistic strategies in their efforts to influence public opinion. The use of highly charged words to put their own position into relief, and a repertoire of defamatory phrases and personal invective to denigrate the political opponent, these were common features of Government and Opposition rhetoric. Recurring polemical codes gave the political debate of the time its unmistakable characteristics. However, as we have pointed out, the parties' polemical interaction was also marked by obvious differences owing to their political positions. It is these differences between Whig and Tory rhetoric that this chapter deals with. We will look at three main aspects: argumentative strategy, key-terminology and imagery. We will show that, irrespective of individual genres, certain recurring techniques are discernible, although in different degree and not necessarily verifiable in each text.

 

1. Whig Rhetoric

a) Argumentative Strategies

From the summer of 1710 the political situation made it seem expedient to the Whigs to insist on maintaining the status quo and preventing the new Government from withdrawing from the hitherto binding national consensus on the issue of war and peace. Conversely, the secretive politics of the Harley Ministry made it likewise a matter of expediency for the Tories to undermine the public image of the previous Government, without as yet openly abandoning their common war policy, which was not to happen until the all-out confrontation beginning in December 1711. The pamphlet as the leading genre conveys a first impression of the characteristic features of Whig journalism. The pamphlet blends ratiocinative with polemical and affective elements. And it is this feature that the Whigs used for their purposes in a manner very much their own. Their technique, which one might call the 'rhetoric of documented recourse', consisted in the regular use of official statements from the parliamentary process which demonstrated Britain's determination to continue the war until it was brought to a victorious end. In a matter of national urgency the Government was thus confronted with a national consensus which it could not ignore with impunity. In this context Whig rhetoric made ample use of probationes inartificiales calling attention to bipartisan resolutions. Maynwaring's Reflections upon the Examiner's Scandalous Peace (1711) is a good example. Maynwaring also employed this technique in the Medley. In view of the existing facts, which favoured their own position, the Whigs' strategy displayed the 'rhetoric of factual accumulation'. Thus the Whigs could appeal to the Government's sense of honour and call to mind that there was a national consensus; Maynwaring's ironic A Vindication of the Present M-y (1711) provides a good example, as do most of his other pamphlets. During the Whig propaganda offensive up to December 1711 this factual approach was complemented by considerable polemical aggressiveness. Whereas Maynwaring skilfully blended factualism and polemics, Hare's even more pronounced, at times almost 'antiquarian' factualism coexisted awkwardly with his regular and irksome berating of his political opponents. From the beginning of 1712 political invective became less frequent and was soon virtually replaced with a less forceful strategy in Whig pamphlets: merely to point out and correct the opponent's factual errors. This was an indication of Whig embarrassment vis-à-vis the Tory strategy of whipping up emotions, which they obviously found difficult to counter, hence their conspicuous, rhetorically less vigorous recourse to parliamentary resolutions and especially to historical evidence. This particular Whig predicament in the spring of 1712 is well illustrated by Hare's pamphlets The Barrier-Treaty Vindicated and The Treaty between Her Majesty and the States-General as well as Burnet's Our Ancestors as Wise as We and is still noticeable in such a publication as The Secret History of the Geertruydenbergh Negociation.

     The Whigs' insistence on, and presentation of, what counted as officially sanctioned policy made them appear in a favourable light on the public stage for quite some time, particularly because on several occasions they professed confidence in the Government, which enabled them to discredit Tory positions all the more effectively. This is well documented in pamphlets like Maynwaring's A Vindication of the Present M-y, Reflections upon the Present Posture of Affairs (1712) and Observations upon the State of the Nation (1713);. A Whig pamphleteer, who wanted to exorcize the threatening Anglo-Dutch estrangement, stated with feigned assurance at the end of his preface "that we are under no Apprehensions of such a Ministry" as England suffered from under Charles II. It was, by the way, common practice for Whig pamphleteers like, for example, Hoadly in The Thoughts of an Honest Tory (1710) and Hare in his dialogue-pamphlet Bouchain (1711), to assume a particular role to gain more room for their arguments. The above-mentioned strategy of making the 'No peace without Spain' demand non-negotiable was an expression of the Whigs' policy of containment pursued since the summer of 1710. As we said earlier, the rhetorical utilization of the 'No peace without Spain' issue gave the Whigs the necessary leverage to articulate their expectation that the Government abide by at least some principles of a bipartisan war policy. The Whigs had always adhered to the view that the parties should retain a modicum of consensus and therefore avoided any undifferentiated attack on the Government. Instead, their criticism of Government policy was mostly directed at individuals with extreme views. The title of Maynwaring's often quoted pamphlet A Letter to a Member of the October-Club (1711) illustrates this technique of concentrating on the fringe of the political spectrum. The Whigs' expectation - as it was at least rhetorically professed - that there remain a minimum of consensus found expression also in their sparse use of the name "Tories", whereas their own name was used without any inhibition by their political opponents to discredit the previous Ministry. Maynwaring's Remarks on a False, Scandalous, and Seditious Libel (1711) is a notable exception that arose from a specific situation. Another reason why the Whigs refrained from all-out Tory bashing was that they apparently did not want to be criticised for lack of national solidarity. Appropriately, in Maynwaring's Remarks on the Preliminary Articles Offer'd by the French King (1711) "Tory" does not appear at all; instead, "a certain Party among us" and "A Party among our selves" are used, which could easily be associated with extreme forces in the Government camp. And where "Tories" does appear, as in The Whigs Appeal to the Tories (1711), it can even have a positive connotation in so far as the pamphlet appeals to the party moderates not to make common cause with extremist elements. These features, typical of pamphlet literature, are absent in the usually less sophisticated broadsides, where the tone is unequivocally aggressive and where the parties use each other's names with almost equal frequency. Although, among periodicals, the mettlesome Whig Observator is an exception in this regard and the pro-Government Review's use of party names is somewhat more discerning than that of other Tory organs, it may yet be said that the use of party labels was a political marker. The Whigs' modest use of the opponent's party name must be seen in connection with one of their propaganda objectives, namely to aim at the entire Tory spectrum and play off one group against the other in order to strengthen the centre. Besides, whenever the Whigs wanted to adopt a polarising tone, there were substitutes they could use like, for example, "High Church Party", "High-Fliers" or - in a foreign-policy context - "Friends of France". The latter was used by Maynwaring in A Letter to a Member of the October-Club and by Hare in The Allies and the Late Ministry Defended (1711), though more sparingly than "Tories".

     Another conspicuous difference between Whig and Tory rhetoric is the use of ad hominem attacks, which the Whigs directed almost exclusively at journalists and the Tories mainly at politicians. But again, broadsides do not quite fit into this pattern. Whigs and Tories alike, although the Whigs less often, used this genre for attacks on politicians, not journalists; after all, aggressiveness is the broadside's most conspicuous characteristic. Good examples of the above-mentioned distinction are provided by Maynwaring's Medley and Swift's Examiner. In both pamphlets and periodicals the Whigs concentrated on journalists who could easily be denigrated because they held extreme views, with Roper as their prime target. To quote but one relevant example, the latter was stigmatized as "that Prostituted TOOL of a Frenchify'd Party" in the Protestant Post-Boy of 30 October-1 November 1711. Although the pugnacious Flying-Post persistently put the question as to who had commissioned Roper, it stopped short of actually mentioning names. Roper, Leslie and Swift were the whipping boys who bore the brunt of Whig attacks, substitutes, as it were, for the Government. The reason why the Whigs spared Government politicians and attacked Tory journalists instead, was probably less the fear of legal consequences and of the Government's machinery of repression - a motive which of course must not be underestimated - than the political aim of demonstrating their sense of responsibility.

b) Political Key-Terms

More than thirty years ago Donald J. Greene found that it was not possible to prove a correlation in prose between "certain patterns of political thinking and certain patterns of linguistic behaviour". In political rhetoric, however, such a link can indeed be shown to exist. Their respective ideologies led the parties to adopt a specific terminology and to develop a particular use of imagery which in the context of public debate defined their political orientation much more clearly than was consistent with political reality, where the dividing lines were often less distinct. The Whigs saw the War of the Spanish Succession as an opportunity to consolidate the post-revolutionary order in Britain and placed it in the wider European context of Protestant liberty versus Louis XIV's tyranny. Hare, for instance, declared himself unambiguously in favour of "preserving the Liberty and Balance of Europe, and reducing the exorbitant Power of France". At home the Whigs were the party that advocated a liberal constitution and had welcomed the Revolution of 1688/89, and abroad they were the party of European commitment - at least by comparison with the Tories. Their idea of freedom, which blended aspects of both domestic and foreign policy, was to some extent based on concepts of natural law. Thus a Whig pamphleteer in 1712 reminded the public of the noble project of restoring in Europe "the Primitive Rights of Human Nature" violated by Louis XIV. An advocate of Bishop Fleetwood stressed that the latter was merely standing up for "the LIBERTY of Mankind".

     In their political propaganda this ideological bent was translated into a set of recurring key-terms which became the hallmark of their rhetoric. The use of highly charged words in their frequent and intense appeals to the public made up for the restraint which the Whigs exercised in the use of ad hominem attacks on prominent politicians. Their comparatively modest recourse to personal invective directed at Government politicians was offset by a number of politically charged terms which they sounded like clarion calls. Of these "France/French" was the most frequent word pair because it could be used in foreign- and domestic-policy contexts alike. Roper, for example, was continually denounced as a tool of "the French Faction" in British politics, as for instance in the Flying-Post of 1-3 November 1711. "Allies" and related terms were also used, all with a positive connotation and not, as in the case of the Tories, as mere lip service or even pejoratively. The frequency of the emotive pair "France/French" in all genres explains the comparatively rare occurrence of such terms as "Catholic", "Jacobite" and "Popery", which were all automatically associated with each reference to the French enemy or his English friends. Another politically charged term was "Liberty", usually appearing in combinations like "Religion and Liberty", "Civil and Religious Liberties", "Religious Laws and Liberties" or "Liberty of Europe". The idea of liberty was suggested by such terms as "Protestant Succession" and "Hanoverian Succession", which, for their part, evoked the association of "Popery/Pretender". Terms like "Protestant Succession" were almost exclusively used by the Whigs, although the Tories never failed to pledge their loyalty to the Act of Settlement. Among the periodicals the Observator shows the typical application of such charged terms, especially during the first stage of the turning-point debate. It is characteristic of Whig propaganda in all genres that these terms occur in clusters to enhance their polemical thrust, which is supposed to demonstrate fighting spirit. Such clusters aim at rhetorical impact through redundancy of information. Towards the end of the main part of a substantial pamphlet Hare, for example, called on those who were "for the Hanover Succession, the Protestant Religion, and the Liberties of Great Britain" to oppose plans to put the Duke of Anjou in possession of Spain and the West Indies. In A New Protestant Litany (1712), a Whig broadside with a high frequency of charged terms, Maynwaring used "France", "Catholic", "Pretender" and "Popery" to evoke merely by association a danger to the Protestant Succession. And in Remarks on a False, Scandalous, and Seditious Libel Maynwaring drew heavily on this formidable ideological arsenal when he accused the author of The Conduct of the Allies (1711): "But this Writer does not look on the Safety of our Religion and Liberty, the Guarantee of the Dutch Barrier, and the Protestant Succession, as Things of moment [...]". Similarly, and significantly, the reply which the author of A Full Answer to the Conduct of the Allies (1712) gave his opponents mixes positive and negative key-terms: "What Englishman that has these Things at Heart, and dreads the Mischiefs of Popery, and Arbitrary Power, but must look on the Conducter with the utmost Indignation, while he sees him treating the Care of the Protestant Succession with so much contempt".

     The Whigs' constant use of politically emotive terms with Protestant connotations gave their own followers something to identify with, and their opponents something to challenge. However, the near automatism of these propaganda slogans, their almost reflex-like use, carried the danger of attrition. When from the end of 1711 Tory propaganda played the Dutch card, this to a certain degree caught the Whigs by surprise, and their traditional slogans proved a rather blunt weapon. The Tories had soon stirred emotions to such a point that the Whigs' usual alarm rhetoric proved inadequate to stem the ensuing tide of aggressiveness. Whig journalism showed the first unmistakable signs of fatigue in the face of the Tories' reinvigorated propaganda.

c) Metaphors and Images

Whig propaganda language made only sparse use of metaphors. This is partly due to the sociological composition of the reading public, which in the case of the Observator, for example, was Nonconformist. However, there is a stock of every-day metaphorical language, including common proverbs, which both parties drew on to express their political views. Thus the familiar image of the wolf in sheep's clothing appeared in publications of both sides, and illness and fire were often used in connection with war. Broadsides in particular made ample use of such common linguistic material with a special predilection for proverbs and adages, and with journalists and politicians as their preferred targets. For this purpose they also turned animal imagery to good rhetorical account; thus, for instance, the broadside The Tr-us Treaty (1712) illustrated the dangers of a Tory peace in the guise of the fable of the wolves and the sheep, with Harley figuring as Robin. In other genres Whig propaganda aimed less at individuals, particularly politicians, and used metaphorical language more for a general characterisation of the political opponent. Hare, for example, in the first part of The Allies and the Late Ministry Defended against France extended Swift's metaphor of a conflagration in The Conduct of the Allies, and the author of Reflections upon the Present Posture of Affairs referred to Leslie as an 'incendiary'. These examples illustrate the particular characteristic of Whig rhetoric which we mentioned earlier, namely to limit personal attacks to the inner circle of fellow journalists.

     Another striking feature of Whig rhetoric is the fact that, unlike the Tories, they almost never used images to gain public support for their main political ideas. Instead they preferred more abstract concepts, sometimes borrowed from natural law. In Samuel Garth's A Poem to the Earl of Godolphin (1710), the state is even likened to a smoothly running engine. Concepts from natural law were especially appropriate in a foreign-policy context, such as for example Louis XIV epitomizing the disdain for the basic human impulse for freedom. They were less adequate at home as a means of countering attacks from a political opponent who resorted to traditional ideas of kingship and governance to exploit their populist potential.

 

2. Tory Rhetoric

a) Argumentative Strategies

In pamphlet literature - to begin again with the leading genre - the Tories, too, combined ratiocinative and affective elements within a wide range of rhetorical techniques. But beyond the features common to practically all political rhetoric the Tories offered more variation and complexity, whereas the impression of Whig pamphleteering is one of greater uniformity in spite of some authors' individual differences. The main reason for this is the 'twin-track' strategy pursued unwaveringly by Government propaganda. It reflected the personal idiosyncrasy and political orientation of the Prime Minister, circumspect and also open to the demands of expediency. On the one hand, the Harley Ministry tried to win public support by projecting an orthodox Tory image, but on the other, it pursued a line which seemed to be keeping the door open for consensus with moderate Whigs. The task of translating this latter policy into political rhetoric was assigned to Defoe, who consequently addressed Whig readers in a conciliatory tone reflecting the flexibility of Harley's approach.

     This dual-track course produced the characteristic dichotomy of Tory pamphlets and periodicals: the 'hard and soft' approach. The uncompromisingly aggressive variety is represented by authors like St. John, Mrs. Manley, Swift, Wagstaffe and Leslie and tends almost immediately to cross the threshold from argumentation to polemics. Their polemical harassment of the political opponent was complemented by the frequent use - in nearly all genres - of the antagonist's party name. The Examiner and the Review adopted a different political approach and consequently differed in their rhetorical techniques. The Examiner concentrated more on exposing the opponent's political position and therefore contains a higher proportion of relevant political terminology, whereas the Review aimed primarily at defining its own position. Similar in their polarising purpose to the polemical citation of the opponent's party name were the personal attacks on Marlborough and Whig politicians like Godolphin, Wharton and Lord Townshend. Generally, these techniques were applied regardless of genre. The sermon, however, was naturally committed to more restraint and hardly indulged in personal invective against politicians at all.

     Defoe, on the other hand, aiming at a Whig clientele and eager to win over voters, made lengthy argumentation the hallmark of his pamphlets. He was much more cautious in the use of overt polemics, and where it did occur it posed as an expression of the author's disappointment at his readers' intransigence. Thus, The Ballance of Europe (1711) consists largely of sound, matter-of-fact arguments, and only towards the end - after preparatory hints at the beginning - does Defoe openly appeal to his readers' emotions by copiously citing examples of Habsburg tyranny in Protestant countries in order to lend polemical support to his argument against Spain under Austrian rule. To demonstrate his readiness for consensus Defoe's rhetoric concentrates very much on facts, and his casuistic argumentation in favour of adaptation to political change anticipates in a certain way his procedure in Moll Flanders, here applied to politics. Defoe's persevering efforts to convince his readers by the force of his argument were especially apparent in pamphlets like Reasons Why (1711), The Ballance of Europe, An Essay at a Plain Exposition of that Difficult Phrase a Good Peace (1711) - and also the Review, all published by Baker. On the other hand, pamphlets like No Queen: Or, no General (1712) and Peace, or Poverty (1712), published by Morphew, used historical references more for purely illustrative purposes. The reasoned approach of the Baker pamphlets with regard to historical precedents is thus similar to that of some Whig pamphlets.

     In Defoe's conciliatory variant of Government propaganda the party label "Whig" with its negative connotations appears only rarely. This was especially so in the Baker pamphlets, whereas those of 1712 by other publishers moved closer towards the new confrontational style. While there is not a single reference to "Whigs" in The Succession of Spain Consider'd (1711), The Ballance of Europe, An Essay at a Plain Exposition and The Felonious Treaty (1711), there are four in the more polemical No Queen: Or, no General and five in A Farther Search into the Conduct of the Allies (1712), published by Morphew, but - surprisingly - there is no mention in the emotional Peace, Or Poverty. Strikingly, "Whigs" appears only once even in Reasons why this Nation Ought to Put a Speedy End to this Expensive War, a pamphlet which was crucial for the further course of Government propaganda. In Armageddon (1711) on the other hand, where "Whigs" occurs with unprecedented frequency, Defoe strikes a propitiatory note; in fact he is making advances to the Opposition. In The Present Negotiations of Peace Vindicated from the Imputation of Trifling (1712) the party name turns up rather frequently with hostile connotations, which one might feel inclined to regard as exceptional at first, but then there may be a simple explanation. At this stage the Whigs had lost considerable public terrain and apparently Defoe no longer saw any need for his usual consensus rhetoric. By and large, however, Defoe's use of the Opposition party label was demonstrably chary for the simple reason that he wanted to retain a chance, however slight, for Government policies to find acceptance in the Opposition camp. This is corroborated by the Review. In the issue of 13 November 1711, for example, Defoe unequivocally criticises the Whigs for their one-sided and partisan position on the Spanish question, but he never even once refers to them by name, to demonstrate his preference for sound argument instead of for polemics. In the Review of 20 May 1712 "Whig" and "Tory" are used quite frequently in what may be regarded as a laboured attempt at balanced rhetoric, if for no other purpose than to prove his often claimed commitment to a middle course dictated purely by reason.

b) Political Key-Terms

The Tories, too, made consistent use of ideology-based terminology, their hard-line application outstripping Defoe's partly more moderate approach. On certain essentials they adhered to retrograde views like, for example, the unity of Church and State (hence the label "Church party") and loyalty to the monarch, views which culminated under Queen Anne in a renaissance of the concept of Divine Right. Tory traditionalism also became apparent in their - often guarded - reservations about the new order after the Revolution of 1688/89 and their preference for landed over commercial interests. In foreign policy the Tories - with a strong High Church and Jacobite element but also a Hanoverian wing - inclined towards isolationism and advocated a stronger military engagement at sea instead of on land. Their foreign policy lacked the Whigs' European dimension and in relation to other nations was often overtly xenophobic.

     In the Tories' political terminology emotionally charged words with positive connotations were fewer than in Whig rhetoric. The hard core of charged terms, however, occurred with great regularity in the Tories' orthodox and aggressive propaganda to define their political position, often in antithetical reference to their opponents. Central to Tory ideology were such terms as "Queen" and "Prerogative", which were contrasted - spectacularly for the first time by St. John in his pilot publication A Letter to the Examiner (1710) - with the deplorable lack of loyalty on the Whig side. "Church and Nation" and also "Queen and Nation" offered further opportunity for positive identification. In its subtitle The Flanders Ballad: Or, the D-e of Marlborough's Rare Show (1712) promised to discover "all his Covetous Actions again [sic] his Q-n and Country". "Queen and Nation" in particular was used in simplistic contrast to "Family and Faction", the negative label being applied to the Whigs. The Examiner, for example, employed the convenient "Family" label, which had already assumed an ominous ring in a pamphlet of August 1710 still appeasing Marlborough, and which had previously also been used in the pamphlet A Letter from a Foreign Minister in England, to Monsieur Pettecum (1710) by Boyer, who at that time was still trying to ingratiate himself with Harley, in its issues of 23 November and 14 December 1710 to point to the undermining of the interests of Queen and nation by the political cronyism of the Marlborough clan. The negative connotation of "Family" was relentlessly exploited in The Conduct of the Allies, and propagated further in Ferguson's Account (1711). Even in Defoe's No Queen: Or, no General it occurred four times. Further contrastive pairs were "landed men" and "moneyed men" or "landed interest" and "moneyed interest" as well as the often used antithesis of concord and discord. Besides, the Whigs were frequently denigrated as atheists and republicans just as they in turn concentrated their propaganda activities on the extremist fringe in the Tory party. In spite of its determinedly emotive terminology Tory rhetoric remained vague in outlining the party's ideological position with regard to constitutional orthodoxy because only sparse use was made of the term "Protestant Succession", which Defoe, however, used as a positive referent in his own writing. In late 1711 Tory propaganda came truly into its own by also focusing on the Dutch and making "Dutch" a staple of the emotive vocabulary, whose aggressive element was thus further enhanced.

     The strategy behind the Tory use of positive and negative key-terms was to present their own policy as 'natural' and that of the Whigs as 'unnatural', a strategy underlined by a corresponding emphasis prevailing in Tory imagery. The language clearly reflected the prevailing concepts of party ideology. In a letter to the Earl of Strafford of 8 January 1712 Bolingbroke, for example, spoke of the Whig faction's "unnatural proceedings". There are frequent references to the natural order at home having been upset by upstarts and their rebellious behaviour towards the Queen. Similarly, with regard to foreign policy, it was pointed out how unfavourably Britain's financial burden compared with that of the Dutch. This polemical strategy led to the frequent use of "monstrous" in all genres to qualify the political opponent. In Examiner 38 (19 April 1711) Swift spoke of "monstrous Encroachments of exorbitant Avarice and Ambition" with regard to the Whigs and in Examiner 39 (26 April 1711), referring to the Lords' address of December 1707 concerning Spain, of "this monstrous Step in Politicks". The word "monster" was fired in an exceptionally dense barrage at Marlborough in Hoffman's broadside The Portraiture of Oliverus Secundus, the Modern Protector in Body and Conscience (1712). In the broadside The Story of Typhon (1711), too, there were several references to Marlborough's "monstrous" greatness, and Wharton was stigmatised as a "monster" at the end of The Character of a Certain Whigg (1712), another broadside; and in The Epilogue to His Grace James Duke of Ormond's Last Speech to Her Majesty, at his Departure for Flanders (1712), also a broadside, we read with reference to the Whig Junto, which had so pressurized the Queen: "But Providence, the Guardian of the Just,/Baffled, and laid their monstrous Schemes in Dust". The same abusive language was regularly employed in Ward's poem The English Foreigners: Or, the Whigs Turn'd Dutchmen. A Satyr (1712), where a perplexed contemporary observer puts the following indignant question to Britannia: "What Monsters hast thou suckl'd at thy Breast?/ What upstart Traytors cherish'd and caress'd?". In his anti-Austrian campaign even Defoe resorted to this emotional and simplistic way of passing political judgment. In The Succession of Spain Consider'd, for example, he warned his readers of a "monstrous increase" of Habsburg power, and in The Ballance of Europe cautioned not "to raise again such a Monster in Europe". Thus we can again observe the concerted use of politically inflaming language over the entire gamut of genres as an instrument of Tory propaganda, which thereby achieved a high degree of persistence. On the whole, the Tories inclined more strongly towards emotional language than the Whigs and fully utilised its potential for polarisation.

     But thanks to Defoe the presentation of Government propaganda did not - even in its language - lack balancing elements, his rhetoric being very much the same in the Review and his pamphlets during the turning-point debate, i.e. between the autumn of 1711 and the spring of 1712. Even in Defoe's characterisation of the political opponent certain key-terms do occur, but where he outlines his own position the style is more discursive so that by and large the tone of the Review and of the pamphlets came close to being conciliatory. Defoe's original Whig convictions and Harley's policy of also aiming at a Whig clientele led to the continued use even during the turning-point debate of a particular set of terms around "Protestant" and "Protestantism" and the concepts of the Protestant Succession and a liberal constitution. The positive connotations that such language evoked indicated to the Opposition that there remained forces in the Government camp with views similar to theirs. Even at a time of increasing confrontation this breadth of terminology was meant to signal that a modicum of consensus still existed with a chance, be it ever so slight, of bridging political differences.

c) Metaphors and Images

Large sections of Government propaganda are phrased in a language whose imagery reflects the Tories' traditionalism. Like the Whigs they used negative metaphors of illness and arson to denounce particular policies. They had, however, a special preference for animal metaphors, more so than the Whigs. This can be observed, for example, in the use of bird imagery to evoke Jacobite sympathies. On this linguistic plane, too, there was a high degree of interrelatedness between the various media. In Kirkham's thoroughly Tory poem Philanglus and Astraea (1712) the precursors of the Whigs at the time of the Civil War are branded as "Birds of Prey, and [...] Devouring Beasts". A pamphleteer summarily denounces the Whigs as "these Serpents". In A Farther Search into the Conduct of the Allies even Defoe resorts to some aggressive animal comparisons to direct public indignation at the political opponent. To a far larger degree than in Whig propaganda the main function of these metaphors was to concentrate Tory criticism on individuals in the Opposition camp, as for example in King's Rufinus (1712). In Oliver's Pocket Looking-Glass (1711) Marlborough is compared to a viper which the deceived Queen has nursed in her bosom. In Leslie's Salt for the Leach (1712), which, like earlier Tory pamphlets critically mirrored in The Re-Representation: Or, a Modest Search after the Great Plunderers of the Nation (1711), abounds in animal imagery, the bellicose Whigs are likened to leeches. The ironic albeit forced references to such language in the second and fourth stanzas of the Whig broadside Poor England Bob'd at Home and Abroad (1712) were an indirect acknowledgement of the punch of Tory propaganda. Broadside literature, with its popular appeal, was especially rich in animal metaphors whose aim it was to stigmatise the political opponent, as Advice to the True Representatives of Old England (1710?), The Grand Enquiry, Or, What's to be Done with Him (1712), The Fable of the Cocks and Ganders (1712) and The Description of Dunkirk with Squash's and Dismal's Opinion (1712) demonstrate, to mention only a few. In The Whigs No Plunderers (1711) Godolphin, the previous Prime Minister, is referred to as a "sly fox" or "Volpone", and in Swift's A Fable of the Widow and her Cat (1712) Marlborough's behaviour is compared to a cat's. Quite in line with the Tories' practice of lending the idea of monarchy some ideological lustre, such animal metaphors were sometimes combined with religious concepts, which led to a kind of biblical populism that stirred people's emotions. The following two lines from Hoffman's broadside The True Copy of a Paper Stuck upon the D. of M-'s Gate at St. James's, on Saturday last, Being the Day of Her Majesty's Accession to the Crown (1712) provide a good example: they are directed against Marlborough and combine positive and negative elements in a single pithy antithesis: "But God who guards our Gracious ANNE,/ Will smite the great Leviathan". This occurs again in the same author's broadside A New-Years Gift for the Plunderers of the World: With an Ancient Prophecy (1712). In another broadside, The Portraiture of Oliverus Secundus, Hoffman refers to Marlborough as "In Mind more Monster than Leviathan". By that time the portentous epithet could be applied to Marlborough - presenting him as a wicked and exorbitant war-profiteer - on the very title page of the hastily composed poem The Land-Leviathan. Or, Modern Hydra: In Burlesque Verse, by way of Letter to a Friend (1712). And in the retrospective peace poem Anna Triumphans (1713) the foreign enemy is also referred to by this name. The Whigs' presumptuous aspirations were also expressed through mythological comparisons; thus Leslie likened them to Phaethon, adding: "but [they] have only shewn their own Folly, set the World on Fire, and fallen from the Chariot they were not able to Guide". In this way the preordained course of history could be objectified in a mythical form.

     The Tories liked analogies between politics and nature because they could thus set unequivocal value standards with which people could identify. An expression of this is their habitual emphasis on the protective nature of the monarchy, which evoked the traditional concept of a patriarchal ruler. Demanding gratitude and loyalty towards the Queen amounted to an attempt to define the conditions of political life in terms of bonds that are natural to man. The Whigs, in spite of regularly pointing to the ingratitude of their opponents towards Marlborough, did not have at their disposal such an arsenal of affective language - inflammable material which the Tories fully utilised to kindle the feelings of their political base; the latter's need for easy identification was gratified by a propaganda strategy which translated complex issues of power politics into the familiar sphere of personal relationships. Characteristically, this technique was refined by a religious veneer in the wake of a revival of the concept of Divine Right during the final years of Queen Anne's reign reminiscent of the medieval world view with its strong sense of hierarchy. Such use of metaphors, expressing a traditional understanding of the State and of politics, was common to all Government propaganda and gave all genres a positive note.

     There were certain time-honoured formulas with which Tories and Whigs alike - although in different degree - used to refer to Queen and monarchy. Thus the phrase "Nursing Mother of the (our) Church" was employed with reference to Queen Anne in the sermon preached on the occasion of the victory at Oudenaarde by the Whig Thomas Knaggs on 19 August 1708 at St. Margaret's, Westminster, and also in the High Church sermon The Wise Man's Counsel upon the Test by the Tory Richard Welton on 19 November 1710 with its particular emphasis on the monarch's authority. Significantly, the same metaphor, which Defoe would not want to do without, either, was also used in the Post Boy of 5-7 February 1712, which shows that it was particularly well received by the Tories. In Ward's poem The English Foreigners, which gives expression to an ideology both Tory and Royalist, Queen Anne is referred to as "Our Royal Nursing Mother". In A Poem Dedicated to the Queen, and Presented to the Congress at Utrecht, upon Declaration of the Peace (1713) the epithet "tender Parent" is applied to the reigning sovereign. Marshall Smith in his poem On the Peace (1713), which is a vindication of Tory politics, credits the Queen with:" [...] Maternal Passion for Your Subject's Due". Similar expressions like "Parent of Plenty" and "fountain of Riches and Happiness", politically applied with reference to the Queen or the monarchy, were staple elements of Tory rhetoric giving expression to their traditional concept of submission to the will and authority of the sovereign. The author of The English Foreigners, for instance, addresses Harley thus: "Give England Peace, beneath bless'd ANNA's Care,/ And put a Glorious Period to the War". This rhetoric, of course, implied criticism of the Whigs' lack of loyalty to the Queen. Thus a belligerent Tory pamphleteer declares with regard to alleged plots of the irreverent Whigs against their Sovereign: "[...] the first Blow is ever directed at our Head, to smite the Shepherd, and then devour the Sheep". As early as 1710, St. John in his trend-setting A Letter to the Examiner had satirically spoken of Queen Anne as surrendering to the will of the Junto and also contrasted the Duchess of Marlborough, the scourge of God, with the Queen, the fountain and instrument of his mercy. Political metaphors aiming at a religious transfiguration of the monarchy were especially frequent in the Examiner after Swift; time and again a bright light was cast on Tory ideology, which made it stand out like a shining example against the dark background of Whig attitudes and policies. In the Examiner of 13 April 1713, for example, in which the Peace of Utrecht was welcomed, the Queen is called "the Guardian Angel of our Island". Of course the time-honoured view of the monarchy could also be put to polemical use in a foreign-policy context; thus a Tory author reproachfully refers to the Dutch as "a People who have slighted a Queen who hath been their Nursing-Mother [...]". Like a signature tune the Tories' presentation of the monarchy evoked patriarchal and religious connotations among their supporters, who were thus incited to condemn the Whigs' unnatural irreverence. Through their metaphorical political language the Tories projected a traditional, almost old-fashioned party image, though its propagation through a whole range of streamlined genres strikes one as almost modern.

     An interesting independent variety of the use of political metaphors is found in Defoe, who, as pamphleteer and also as essayist in the Review, created his very own and unmistakable imagery to put across his cherished political topics, among them his staple, the political balance in Europe, which, quite in line with the Harley Ministry's policy, he wanted to see sustained. In five issues of the Review between November 1711 and July 1712 Defoe made skilful use of the traditional scales metaphor in this connection in order to state his case as strikingly as possible. In the Review of 1 November 1711, for example, where he launched a rhetorical attack on Austria, we read: "This however may be a useful Hint to such as are willing, blindfold to throw the Weight of Europe's Strength into the Imperial Scale, and out-Ballance the rest, by the same Hand which once bid fair to devour the whole [...]". Here Defoe criticises the intention to hand the Spanish crown to the House of Habsburg, whose sphere of influence had on past occasions proved a threat to freedom. The latter argument in particular gave Defoe an opportunity to appease his political conscience after joining the Government camp. Besides, his combination of "blindfold" and "Scale" evokes the image of Justitia, which is of course intended: it is Defoe's personal political message. Any abstract solution to the Spanish Succession which simply followed the contractual stipulations of the Grand Alliance to the letter would not do justice to the concrete political situation, dominated by power politics; thus his use of a traditional metaphor is a plea for a pragmatic solution which takes existing facts into account. This was also Defoe's method in the Review of 12 July 1712, where he again emphasised the need for Britain's role as arbiter: "[...] Britain now holds the Ballance, and will turn the Scale [...]". Here the traditional metaphor expresses Defoe's political message that it is England's historic mission to keep the European balance of power in place, if necessary through cautious intervention. Through the seasonable use of the balance-of-power rhetoric Defoe rejects both the orthodox Whigs' support of the Emperor, whom they would like to see gain the Spanish crown, and traditional isolationist tendencies in Tory foreign policy.

     By and large Defoe used metaphors sparingly, which is hardly surprising, given his dissenting readership. But he used them regularly to give his balance-of-power rhetoric the necessary impact. In the Review of 20 May 1712 he expressed his demand that Britain maintain equidistance from France and Austria thus: " [...] the middle Way between both, is the safe, the just, the most Reasonable; as clipping the Wings of both, that neither the French with his Meridian Sun may scorch us, nor the Voracious Roman Eagle may devour us". Although in terms of stylistic purity the metaphors are somewhat mixed, Defoe achieves his aim: an unmistakable contribution to the balance-of-power issue. The word "clipping" expresses the idea of containment of power, and the plural "Wings" suggests the evenness and symmetry of such a policy. Finally, Defoe's reference to the Imperial eagle, Austria's heraldic bird, makes use of the traditional bird-of-prey metaphor and aptly applies it to the threat that Austria posed. Comparing Austria to a live creature lends particular force to his admonition that vis-à-vis this great power which actively threatens others the utmost caution must be exercised, whereas the scorching sun metaphor is more static, thus presenting France as a more predictable danger, similar perhaps to that which Icarus fell victim to, but only after climbing too high. This rhetoric gives apt expression to Defoe's line of argumentation, which aims at balance and compromise - the hallmark of his journalism -, and yet, his use of metaphor is like putting an exclamation mark, as it were, behind the danger posed by Austria. In the same issue of the Review Defoe very appropriately used the 'rocks' metaphor to strengthen his argument in favour of a balance-of-power policy. Should the Spanish crown pass to the all-powerful Emperor, then - so runs his argument - this would pose a lasting threat to the Protestant interests in Europe, a concern which is succinctly expressed towards the end: "Splitting the Cause of God upon German Scylla, to avoid French Charybdis?".

     Defoe also used metaphors referring to every-day life with which his addressees were no doubt familiar. The Utrecht horse-fair metaphor is a good example. It is one of the most widely employed metaphors in the Review, for example in the issues of 14 February 1712 and 1 March of the same year, the first offering a particularly instructive example of Defoe's rhetorical technique. Because of his outrageous demands Louis XIV is compared to a skilful horse trader. By likening French negotiating tactics to established business practices Defoe probably hoped to pander to Whig susceptibilities. In the Review of 14 February 1712 he pointed out that, being aware of France's deceitfulness, the Allies were well able to defend themselves against any attempt to make them pay through the nose. Besides, it was a well-known fact that France desperately needed a peace agreement and would therefore soon be ready to make concessions. After all, both the Allies and France knew what was in their best interest: "And do you think we do not know how to set a Price upon our Horse, as well as the King of France does upon his?". It is the function of the elaborate horse-fair metaphor to carefully consider all aspects of the peace negotiations and point towards a viable solution. Defoe's imagery thus pays tribute to Harley's realpolitik with its flexibility and clearsightedness. That this kind of rhetoric was also intended to mitigate England's confrontation with her Allies becomes clear from a humorous passage in the Review of 1 March 1712: the Dutch have suggested providing 40 000 riding crops to drive Louis XIV out of Spain and let England pay three quarters of the cost. Nobody was outraged, everybody was amused.

      Defoe also used some elaborate comparisons from every-day life to characterize England's relationship with the Dutch, the deterioration of which was of some concern to him. In the Reviews of 9 February and 12 July 1712 the cooling off between the two countries was expressed in terms of a marital quarrel. He blames the Dutch Ally's negligent behaviour for the present predicament of the Protestant family in the first-named issue, but then it is for Britannia, the spouse, to avert further damage, as the second issue makes clear: "The Man begins it [the quarrel], but the Woman, who by Prudence and Temper should have mov'd him to Reform, or at least, might have restrain'd his Extravagancies, she makes the Destruction unavoidable to them both". Thus Defoe, while blaming Holland, is at the same time appealing to England to exercise restraint in her own interest. The Anglo-Dutch relationship was also the topic of the Review of 10 June 1712. On their way to York Jack and Tom are quarrelling over which route to take, an obvious allusion to the two countries' difficulties in agreeing on a joint political course. The arguments in the two travellers' quarrel correspond to those of the Anglo-Dutch controversy, with Defoe taking sides by suggesting that it is up to Britain to make its wayward companion listen to reason. Similar criticism had previously appeared in Reasons Why: "the Dutch were the Mint in which every Article of Peace must be coined, or else it could not be Current in the Confederacy". What characterizes Defoe's imagery in connection with the Anglo-Dutch relationship is the fact that it was anchored in his readers' every-day experience. This enabled him to heighten their perception of the regrettable differences between the two Protestant countries so closely allied.