EESE 2/2004

American Imperialism and Anti-Imperialism a Century ago:
its Discourse and Counterdiscourse in the Critical American Studies Classroom

Bill Templer (Trang, Thailand/Leipzig)

 It is elemental. It is racial. God has not been preparing the English-speaking and Teutonic peoples for a thousand years for nothing but vain and idle self-contemplation and self-admiration. No! He has made us the master organizers of the world to establish system where chaos reigns. He has given us the spirit of progress to overwhelm the forces of reaction throughout the earth. He has made us adept in government that we may administer government among savage and senile peoples. Were it not for such a force as this the world would relapse into barbarism and night. And of all our race He has marked the American people as his chosen nation to finally lead in the regeneration of the world. This is the divine mission of America, and it holds for us all the profit, all the glory, all the happiness possible to man. We are trustees of the world's progress, guardians of its righteous peace (Sen. A. J. Beveridge, in Congressional Record, January 9, 1900).1

Republic vs. Empire
Nodes in a Network
Classrooms of Countmemory
Imperial Scripting
A Trigonometry of Violence
Assembling a Corpus of Discourses
Nodal Themes in Imperial Discourse of the Era
The Historical Focus
McKinley and the Propaganda of the Deed
The Goldman Connection
Beveridge and the Rhetoric of Imperial Expansion
The Savage Colonial War in the Philippines
Imperial Indian-Fighter Generals
The American 'War against Muslim Terrorism'
The Bells of Balangia
Drama from a Filipino Margin
"Days of Loathing and Nights of Fear"
Some Desiderata for Research
Works Cited

Republic vs. Empire

This paper explores an insidious contradiction between rhetoric and reality, a political paradox and primal tension that inhabit the very master script of the American Republic and its national mythology: democratic ethos vs. imperial expansion & the concept of "redeemer nation" (Tuveson 1968). This is well exemplified in the above quote from Senator (R-Ind.) Albert Jeremiah Beveridge, at the very height of America's war of conquest in the Philippines, and re-embodied in current "imperial grand strategy" recently dissected by Chomsky (2003). 'The Project for the New American Century,' with multiple ties to the top echelon in the Bush administration, is a showcase example of that strategy,2 reflective of what some see as a shift from an age of American Republic to an age of overt American Empire (Vidal 2002). I propose a kind of hermeneutic prism on America's present hegemonism, seen through the lens of a specific past watershed in its genealogy, a history of imperial mentality. Using an intersection and mosaic of diverse texts, an open-ended mini-focus for the critical classroom is suggested, along with some related desiderata in research.

Nodes in a Network

Schaller (1995) has stressed the need in American Studies to chart "nodal points" in the American cultural network, emphasizing among these the "teleological, historical plan with its global missionary zeal to change the world, the 'manifest destiny' as justification for expansion." If we appropriate the model of culture as a distinctive "volatile network consisting of interdependent and, at the same time, competing discourses" (ibid.), one approach in a critical pedagogy of American Studies is to build tentative focal units that explore 'ideologemes'3 of that discursive manifold-"nodal points within a net representing the totality of a particular culture at a given period in history"(ibid.)-connecting present with past. Helping to construct what the late Edward Said, writing a few days before 9-11-2001, called "a kind of countermemory, putting forth its own counterdiscourse that will not allow conscience to look away or fall asleep" (Said 2001).

Classrooms of Countermemory

Such countermemory or 'counter-mentality' is integral to what an engaged American Studies, shaped by critical pedagogy, should privilege in its array of themes.4 Students across the planet live under the impact of American hyperdominance and what Barber (1996) has somewhat facetiously termed McWorld. It is part of their hybridized everyday Lebenswelten which our teaching should be addressing, within a pedagogy of TEFL oriented to more equitable and just social worlds, "as part of an ethical and political vision of change" (Pennycook 2001, 161-162; see also Hafernik et al. 2002). In the spirit of Edge's recent self-reflection:

We need to look again at the materials we use in class and the worldviews that they represent, at the methods that we use and the interactional and learning styles that they foreground, at the choices we make in selecting the content of our courses, at the extent to which we teach a language of compliance to the exclusion of a language of protest, at the tests we use, to what purpose, and at the policy decisions we make in language planning. [...] When we are asked what vision of a better world it is that we, as educators, believe that we are contributing to by teaching English to speakers of other languages, it behooves us now more than ever to be ready with an honest answer." (Edge 2003; 2004).

In generating a 'classroom of countermemory,' I suggest several frames for zeroing in on U.S. aggressive expansion into East Asia and the Caribbean a century ago, and some of the violence and discourse pro and con that accompanied it at home. The temporal focus is on the period 1898-1904, the first high tide of American global imperialism, the brutal war against the Philippine insurrectos at its core. And, as a part and prolongation of that war, America's first armed counter-insurgency struggle against a radical Muslim anti-colonial movement in the southern Philippines-'suicidal Islamic terrorists' (juramentados), a battle that perdures today under analogous signature, and has been parlayed by Washington and the Arroyo government into a major East Asian subtheater in the 'war on terrorism.'5 Then as now, "by the terms of the Frontier Myth, once imperial war was conflated with savage war both sides became subject to the logic of massacre" (Slotkin 1993, 112).

Imperial Scripting

The short span of focus here marked the birthing of the American Century, the parturition of U.S. overseas Empire. It was characterized by a vigorous imperialist ethos and rhetoric in the public sphere and a broad anti-imperialist movement within certain segments of the American electorate and intelligentsia, reaching through William Jennings Bryan into the very cockpit of the Democratic National Party. A powerful imperial rhetoric, inscribed by Manifest Destiny and an awakening hegemonism, transposed a savage war from the Indian frontier to the Pacific Rim. To look a century back provides a kind of rearview mirror in which to ponder present exploits6 and their blowback,7 the imperial script of a Global Frontier and its repercussions. Nodal themes that reverberate in this imaginary extend of course back to the inception of the colonial venture in North America. In a related vein, Andréolle (2000) has explored the erosion of founding myths and the conjunct concretion of dystopic social spaces in American women's fiction under the impress of the Vietnam War, "the public's change in attitude towards the ideological precept of Manifest Destiny and America as 'the empire of right'."

A Trigonometry of Violence

Let a line be drawn between two bloody September days in the history of American globalism precisely a century apart: 9-11-2001 and 9- 6-1901, the political assassination of the first American imperial president, William McKinley, gunned down in the midst of a war of colonial conquest and anti-insurgency in the Philippines. That can be triangulated by a third bloody Sunday in September, 9-28-1901, the battle of Balingaga, a day in that war etched into Filipino national memory and American military memory as a Philippine analog to Little Big Horn.8

This obtuse triangle is suggested as a focus for an extended unit in American history or a collaborative project, relating Sept. 11 to a violent imperial September a hundred years earlier, and its fuller context.

Assembling a Corpus of Discourses

The body of possible texts is huge, much available on the Internet.9 For starters, I propose an intersection of several, which teachers and students can extend or reconfigure:

  • speeches and essays by one of progressivism's arch-imperialist, Sen. Albert Beveridge
  • counter-argument by "the Great Commoner," William Jennings Bryan, Democrat presidential candidate in the crucial election of 1900 and a leading anti-imperialists, and essays by William James, William Graham Sumner and other critics of American empire a century ago
  • a unique classroom simulation on the politics of the period featuring a Senate hearing on imperialism in 1902 entitled "White Man's Burden" (Kohen)
  • a 1939 Hollywood action movie set in the anti-Muslim anti-insurgency struggle in the Philippines in 1906, The Real Glory
  • a recent memorializing play by a Filipino-American playwright, The Bells of Balangiga
  • some Philippine war poetry: Twain's "The War Prayer"; Richard Hovey's poem "Unmanifest Destiny"; Kipling's "The White Man's Burden"; a poem from Edgar Lee Master's Spoon River Anthology
  • a recent novel on McKinley's assassin Leon Czolgosz, Coleman's The Anarchist

I will comment briefly on some of these texts, while fashioning a kind of frame on which they can be pinned: abiding thematic ideologemes, historical events, reflective of crucial norms and "socio-cultural value horizons" (Schaller) a century ago that are salient, even resurgent today. Reflected here are topoi and tropes of a durable American 'rhetorical topography of Empire' (Döring), but this paper cannot explore the implications of such a topography in the sense of a 'comparative rhetoric of Empire' and cultural domination.

Nodal Themes in Imperial Discourse of the Era: a Geopolitical Imaginary of Manifest Destiny

Several central themes can be plotted in looking at texts and events from this era. They resonate down into the present. Students should be encouraged to trace their imprint in any texts they examine, including rhetoric in today's media:

  • Hegemonism: the expansion of U.S. global dominance in the focus decade, the extension of 'manifest destiny' beyond the continental borders, the nation's 'westering' course of development. As Beveridge stated in April 1898: "Our institutions will follow our flag on the wings of our commerce. And American law, American order, American civilization, and the American flag will plant themselves on shores hitherto bloody and benighted, but by those agencies of God henceforth to be made beautiful and bright" (Bowers 1932, 69). This ideology of dominance was reinvigorated in March 1947 as the Truman Doctrine, "an almost classic statement of the thesis that the security and well-being of the United States depended upon the successful execution of America's unique mission to defend and extend the frontier of democracy throughout the world" (Williams, "The Frontier," 101).10 Chomsky (2003) has reminded us that the "basic principles of the imperial grand strategy trace back to the early days of World War II, and have been reiterated frequently since."

  • Expansive aggressive capitalism: national well-being requires markets abroad for growth and access to raw materials. Economic expansion and control overseas as a way to ensure stability and 'democracy' at home and forestall social upheaval on the streets and farms of America (Williams, "Frontier," 95). The Open Door Notes-first issued on 9-6-1899, another watershed September date in the history of Empire-initiate a process of assuring those global markets, "stabilizing the world" as an American frontier (Williams, "Imperial," 125, 127-128). This is the beginning of modern corporate capitalism and its globalizing tentacles (Williams, "Age"), long before 'globalization' in its current vogue and synergism. Its patriotic challenge is articulated in particular by Brooks Adams, Henry Adams' brother, an ideologue of U.S. economic world domination, in his America's Economic Supremacy (1900) and The New Empire (1902).11

  • Beaconism: the abiding ethos and 'geoethics' of chosenness, the U.S. as a 'redeemer nation' reforming the world in its image, exporting 'democratic ideals' to the furthest horizon. It has reemerged as a central theme of the Bush administration in the current discourse accompanying the wars on Iraq and Afghanistan and the ongoing Iraq occupation. As William Appleman Williams wrote: "the concept of The City on a Hill thus became The Empire of the Globe" (Williams, "Survey," 282),12 turning the conquerors of North America into "international crusaders" (Williams, "The Frontier," 95). The God-given sense of unique mission underlying the myth of Anglo-American identity permeates American geopolitical rhetoric then and now (Longley 2002), exhibiting recurrent figurations. In analyzing the "on-going production and reproduction of American identity through the practices of foreign policy," the political geographer David Campbell (1992, 145) notes: "if the nexus of internal and external threats was so ubiquitous that it was 'writ large on the birth certificate of the United States of America,' it should not be surprising to find this logic operating each time the birth records are updated."

  • Social Darwinism: distinctive in the rhetoric of this period is the foregrounding of the struggle between races for dominance, survival of the fittest. Such a conquest of overseas empire is projected as essential to a commanding position among the "great fighting races," American "personal and racial re-invigoration" (Slotkin, 106). As Hofstadter noted: "In some respects the United States during the last three decades of the nineteenth and at the beginning of the twentieth century was the Darwinian country"(1955, 4). In his discourse, Roosevelt suggested that those who "resisted imperialism were traitors to their race and recreant to their sex" (Slotkin, ibid.). Beveridge's use of the term 'racial' is akin.

  • Anglo-Saxonism, the'Great Race': a corollary in the Social Darwinist imaginary is the ideology of Anglo-Saxonism: Teutons, Aryans are constructed at the apex of the pyramid of civilized peoples, the 'sliding scale' of races, with biologically inherited 'racial traits.' Teddy Roosevelt's history The Winning of the West (1907) is predicated on this notion, westward movement as "the civilizing conquest of the savage by the Anglo-Saxon democrat" (Williams, "Frontier," 96). Roosevelt openly admired various aspects of Gobineau's theories on racial inequality and H. S. Chamberlain's Die Grundlagen des 19. Jahrhunderts (1899), which later became the 'bible' for theorists of the German master race. And historiography at the time is replete with such racialist theorizing: a whole school exploring the purported 'Germanic Saxon origins' of American democracy flowered at Johns Hopkins University under Herbert Baxter Adams (Foner and Garraty 1991, 501-502), where Frederick Jackson Turner studied, reacting against it with his 'frontier thesis.' These are confluent in Josiah Strong's vision:
    Then will the world enter upon a new stage of its history - the final competition of races for which the Anglo-Saxon is being schooled. If I do not read amiss, this powerful race will move down upon Mexico, down into Central and South America, out upon the islands of the sea, over upon Africa and beyond. And can anyone doubt the result of this competition of races will be the "survival of the fittest"? (Strong, 174-175 qtd. in Hofstadter, 179).

  • Open racialist aggression is a further violent corollary: America's destiny is seen as tidal wave carried forward by a superior progressive race destined to rule over more 'regressive races,' reforming them in the American image, Kipling's 'white man's burden' American style. Slotkin notes that the central tenet of Roosevelt's "racialist myth of progress" was "that the struggle between Red Men and White on the American frontier is the archetype and precedent for the world-wide struggle between 'progressive' and 'savage' or 'regressive' races that shaped the modern world"(86). Beveridge repeatedly invoked the 'Yellow Peril' to Anglo-Saxon civilization, envisaging "as a part of the Almighty's infinite plan, the disappearance of debased civilizations and decaying races before the higher civilization of the nobler and more virile types of men" (Bowers, 68).13 Edgar Rice Burroughs' racialist dysotopian space-war fantasy The Moon Maid (1922) centers on the Anglo-Saxon 'Great Race' and its endangered genetic heritage (Slotkin, 208).

Racialist dimensions have of course been muted or expunged from current Washington rhetoric, which is couched principally in terms of Western 'democratic values' and 'freedom,' and the prerogatives of the single world superpower. Yet especially in the Muslim world, these "value horizons" are often perceived as a form of crypto-racism and Orientalism.

The Historical Focus: Acquisition of an Overseas Empire, Stage 1

Students require a well-wrought Ereignisgeschichte (event-focused history) of the period as backdrop. In the matter of half a decade, Washington in its first era of overseas expansion had annexed Hawaii, defeated Spain in a glorious hundred days' war-what McKinley's Secretary of State John Hay called "a splendid little war" (Williams, "Age," 250). Among its spoils, the nation regenerating had acquired Puerto Rico, the Philippines, Guam, Wake Island.14 In the late summer of 1900, embroiled in a brutal anti-insurgency war against the Filipino people, Washington participated militarily with other European imperial powers in suppressing the anti-Western uprising of the Fists of Righteous Harmony in northern China, the so-called Boxer Rebellion, helping to ensure Western presence, spheres of influence, and an 'open door' there.15 Via the June 1901 Platt Amendment, the United States finessed a kind of three-decade protectorate over independent Cuba-and a naval base at a bay called Guantanamo (where Muslim detainees from Washington's venture in Afghanistan are currently being held) (Foner and Garraty, 844). In 1904, through diplomatic chicanery and the U.S. Navy, Teddy Roosevelt had engineered the declared right to a canal across the new independent nation of Panama (ibid., 822), the U.S. had also bargained with another major imperial player, Kaiser Wilhelm's Germany, picking up the South Sea islands of Samoa.

Ominously, in Roosevelt's historic December 1904 corollary to the Monroe doctrine, the Roughrider had stated: "Chronic wrongdoing [...] may in America, as elsewhere, ultimately require intervention by some civilized nation. And in the Western hemisphere, the adherence of the United States to the Monroe Doctrine may force the United States, however reluctantly, in flagrant cases of such wrongdoing or impotence, to the exercise of an international police power" (Foner and Garraty, 959). Sound familiar? In a few weeks, Washington had taken over the Dominican customs service, several years later we imposed military occupation on the Dominican Republic that lasted more than 90 months. Here are the roots of the U.S. role as global policeman in the New World Order.

Meanwhile, domestic political radicalism at the time, from strikers to protesting impoverished farmers to socialist activists, was viewed as a form of guerrilla warfare perpetrated by white 'savages' with foreign-sounding names in U.S. cities. Labor wars at home, wars of imperial conquest abroad. As Slotkin has noted, 'savage tribe' and urban immigrant 'working-class mob' were mythologized as the twin enemies of emergent industrial society:

Republican propaganda suggested that domestic radicalism was a form of guerilla warfare conducted by 'White savages' and aimed at the destruction of civil order and private property. In this context, anti-imperialism appeared as more than resistance to a dubious overseas adventure: it was a means for 'enemies of order' to overthrow the 'ordered liberty' of Republican rule (107-108).

McKinley and the Propaganda of the Deed

In an imaginative-biographical component to the focus, students can be introduced through fiction to Leon Czolgosz. One of those working-class "White savages,' he decided to take action, reflective of what Bakunin called the 'propaganda of the deed.' Coleman's novel The Anarchist, released September 6, 2001 on the occasion of the McKinley assassination centennial,16 is a well-researched 'faction' about proletarian political counterviolence a century ago, exploring the mind of a young Detroit-born Polish-American worker turned assassin, probing his motives and politics. And the mood of public hysteria at the time, including the 'racial profiling' of Polish immigrants in American cities and a wave of arrests in September and October 1901 of anyone suspected of being an 'anarchist'-the primary 'demonizing' category at the time. This is reminiscent of the current clampdown on civil rights in North America and the repeated profiling of Arabs, an ominous déjà vu, a century ago with another alien 'Other.' Students can read the novel as an exploratory mirror of a proletarian consciousness and conscience at this critical juncture, focusing here on specifically the consciousness of a working-class urban anarchist of East European immigrant parents.

We tend to forget that in the period 1900-1914 across much of Europe and in North America, especially in immigrant communities, "the bulk of the revolutionary left was anarcho-syndicalist, or at least much closer to the ideas and the mood of anarcho-syndicalism than to that of classical Marxism" (Hobsbawn 1973, 61). In examining discourse from the era, it is important for students to explore the 'class dimension' in opposition to America's imperial expansion. A number of middle-class anti-imperialists actually shared racialist theories of Anglo-Saxon superiority that imperialists espoused: they "opposed acquisition of an empire because colonial intermarriages and immigration would compromise American racial purity" (Slotkin, 121).

The Goldman Connection

Czolgosz - inspired by Italo-American anarchist Gaetano Bresci,17 who had assassinated the Italian King Umberto I in July 1900 - was also a sometime follower of another immigrant, Vilna-born libertarian socialist activist Emma Goldman, who wrote in 1910: "Poor Leon Czolgosz, your crime consisted of too sensitive a social consciousness. Unlike your idealless and brainless American brothers, your ideals soared above the belly and the bank account" (Goldman 1910). Before Czolgosz was electrocuted in October 1901, he was forthright in his final words: "I killed the President because he was an enemy of the good people - the good working people. I done my duty."18

Goldman was also demonized at the time for her supposed 'links' with the assassin. Her speech on May 6, 1901 in Chicago, which Czolgosz attended, was alleged to have 'inspired' him to his act. In it, among other things, Goldman noted: "Men under the present state of society are mere products of circumstances. Under the galling yoke of government, ecclesiasticism, and a bond of custom and prejudice, it is impossible for the individual to work out his own career as he could wish. [...] This is not the freedom we are striving for. We merely desire complete individual liberty, and this can never be obtained as long as there is an existing government."19 Goldman, arrested for a time in late 1901 and intensely interrogated, was forever associated in the public mind with the assassination, though no evidence could be found for her implication.20 The wave of hysteria against working-class and immigrant 'radicalism' and the climate of suspicion manufactured by the media were integral to public sentiment in urban America as the war against Filipino 'insurrection' raged on at the far margin of the new American Pacific empire. To what extent Czolgosz can have seen his act in the context of the war of aggression young working-class American boys were fighting in that fateful September - and the massive occupation of an 8,000-island colony then being engineered - can only be conjectured. McKinley remains the only American president to have been assassinated while the nation was at war.

Beveridge and the Rhetoric of Imperial Expansion

In a politico-prosopographical component of this focus, students can be introduced to a truly key spokesman of that ethos of conquest typified in the exploits of McKinley's presidency and that of his successor Teddy Roosevelt: the Republican senator/orator from Indiana, Albert Jeremiah Beveridge. From 1898 down to WW I and even after, Beveridge was the principal agitator and brilliant orator on the Washington stage plumping for American expansion south of the border and across the Pacific. He was an 'America-first' supernationalist, an arch-unilateralist in foreign affairs (later adamantly opposed to Wilson's League of Nations) and an unabashed expansionist in the name of the 'national interest,' no holds barred. Beveridgean unilaterism is integral to the thinking of neocon geopolitics in Washington today. Yet on the home front, he was a progressive reformist, helping to craft the first Pure Food and Drug Law (1906) and pioneering legislation on child labor (Braeman 1971, 112-121), in an amalgam of 'new nationalist' patriotism (Roosevelt 1910) and social reform so characteristic of what Otis Graham, Jr. has termed "the vexatious variety of progressivism" and its seeming contradictions (Braeman 1, passim).21 Indeed, these distinctive 'contradictions' of American Progressivism are worth examining by students in depth. After retirement, he wrote what still is the standard biography of America's first 'grand nationalist,' John Marshall (Beveridge, 1916-1919), and his widow donated $50,000 to the American Historical Association, endowing a Beveridge Memorial Fund for research and the Albert J. Beveridge Award.22

Of himself, Beveridge boasted he was always first and last "an American Nationalist with a big 'A' and a big 'N'" (Braeman, 323). He agitated for what he called an "American century."23 When war was declared against Spain, he stated "the first gun of our war for civilization is also the morning gun of a new day in the Republic's imperial career." In May 1898, as Dewey sailed into Manila Bay, he enthused: "I would rather take part in organizing our colonial system than to do anything else on this earth. I would rather map out and advocate the imperial policy of the Republic than to have been the leading statesman of the late war." Like his close colleague Mass. Sen. Henry Cabot Lodge, a high-flying expansionist and leading Republican (you may recall Lodge's grandson from the Vietnam War), he believed the U.S. should dominate world politics and commerce. He dreamed of a "Continental Republic under the Stars and Stripes," stretching from northern Canada through Mexico down to Nicaragua and into the new nation of Panama. A Mahanist in geopolitics, Albert espoused American control of the Pacific and the Caribbean before it came to pass. He envisioned the Philippines as the gateway to control of trade with China. Beveridge called for annexation not only of Hawaii and the Philippines, but of Cuba, the Dominican Republic, yes in 1918 even control of Mexico, which the U.S. had to "clean up & straighten out" (Braeman, 260). In 1897, a year before the Spanish-American War, he stated prophetically: "Fate has written our policy for us. The trade of the world must and shall be ours." In his eyes, the American task was as an "administering nation to bring civilization to backward people." He envisioned "an English-speaking people's league of God for the permanent peace of this war-worn world" (Bowers, 69). His speech "The March of the Flag" (Sept. 16, 1898)24 contains the extraordinary lines: "We cannot retreat from any soil where Providence has unfurled our banner; it is ours to save that soil for liberty and civilization." In a passage reminiscent of Washington's current geopolitical rhetoric on Iraq, Beveridge pontificated:

The Opposition tells us that we ought not to govern a people without their consent. I answer, The rule of liberty that all just government derives its authority from, the consent of the governed, applies only to those who are capable of self- government. I answer, We govern the Indians without their consent, we govern our territories without their consent, we govern our children without their consent. I answer, How do you assume that our government would be without their consent? Would not the people of the Philippines prefer the just, humane, civilizing government of this republic to the savage, bloody rule of pillage and extortion from which we have rescued them?

As defender of "intense American Nationalism" (Bowers, 499), Beveridge stands as the principal senator of distinction and eloquence who consistently championed the ethos of imperial aggrandizement in its primal period, crafting its imaginary.25 He was inured to the savagery of its conquest on the Pacific Rim. Indeed, he helped build his stellar career in Washington through its advocacy.

The Savage Colonial War in the Philippines26

A military-historical component of the focus is a colonial war of anti-insurgency many students are unfamiliar with. The U.S. has the dubious distinction of being the only modern imperial power to have fought a domestic genocidal war against an indigenous population on the internal frontier before going on to a colonial war of extermination abroad,27 with continuity in several spheres: (1) military personnel, esp. generals and higher ranking field officers, who learned their trade of killing in the Indian wars; (2) government bureaucrats who engineered and administered the removal, re-concentration and 'pacification' of Native Americans and then went on to do the same with Natives in the Philippines; (3) weapons development- such as the Gatling 10-barrel machine gun, brought to a new level of perfection in Philippines deployment and then replaced by the new more portable Maxim single-barrel machine gun. Another weapon developed in the Philippines war was the modern flame thrower, very handy to burn entire villages; (4) intentional systematic extermination of the key native animal in the rural Philippine economy, the carabao (ox), like the buffalo of the Plains Indians; (5) exterminationist rhetoric of commanders, indeed the same racist epithets for the natives, popularly termed 'Indians' or 'niggers' by officers and enlisted men, along with the derogatory term 'goo-goos' (like gooks in Vietnam). McKinley (and after his murder Roosevelt) sent 126,000 men to the Philippines to fight, an estimated quarter of a million Filipinos lost their lives as a result of the conflict, most civilians (Karnow 1989). The war began in earnest on Feb. 4, 1899 under McKinley, and was declared 'officially' ended on July 4, 1902 by Teddy Roosevelt. Despite that tumultuous Fourth of July victory declaration, the battles against the Islamic insurgents in the south continued on for many years.

Imperial Indian-Fighter Generals

Among the war's general field officers, all had hands-on experience from the Indian Wars, such as Otis, Merritt, Lawton, Chaffee, Bell. Three can serve as exemplum:

  • Gen. Jake Smith, the most notorious general in the Philippine war, was subsequently court-martialed for his alleged atrocities against civilians-one of the very few American generals ever tried by the U.S. military for crimes of war. Single-handedly, he engineered the extermination campaign in eastern Samar after the massacre at Balangiga in Sept. 1901. Smith had seen heavy action in the Indian Wars, and was directly implicated in the 1890 massacre of Sioux at Wounded Knee.
  • Gen. Arthur MacArthur, who had fought against the Apaches in New Mexico territory (while bringing up his son Douglas) and then became first military governor in the Philippines 1900-1901. When called in 1902 to testify on army atrocities against civilians before the Senate Committee on the Philippines, of which Beveridge was a member (Cabot Lodge the chairman), MacArthur stated that in the Philippines, America was fulfilling the destiny of our "Aryan ancestors" (Slotkin, 120). His Aryan son Douglas's first assignment fresh out of West Point in 1903 was also to the Philippines. Soon after young Doug arrived, he was waylaid in the jungle by two insurrectos. The cowboy kid from New Mexico, a chip off the old Indian-fighter block, noted: "Like all frontiersmen, I was expert with a pistol. I dropped them both dead in their tracks."28
  • Gen. John Black Jack Pershing, the hero of WW I: fresh from West Point, he had earned his spurs in the final years of the Indian Wars in Apacheria, and was with Teddy Roosevelt on San Juan hill in Cuba in 1898. Now a captain, he was transferred to serve in the war against the Moro insurgency in Mindanao, where he distinguished himself in combating Muslim 'terrorists,' so-called juramentados ('jihad' guerrillas). In recognition of his exploits, Pershing was promoted in 1906 directly from captain to brigadier general (a unique field promotion) and served as governor of Moro Province from 1909-1913. The campaign in Moro province which Pershing helped mastermind was America's very first war against 'suicidal' Islamic insurgents, the great-grandfathers & -grandmothers of the Muslim insurgents in Abu Sayyaf on Sulu and other Muslim 'terrorist' groups fighting for autonomy in the Mindanao jungles-where once again George Bush has recently sent U.S. military as combat advisors.29

The American 'War against Muslim Terrorism,' Chapter 1

A fascinating cinematic text to tie into this mix of discourse, readily available on video, is Hollywood's only treatment of the Philippine war of conquest, the 1939 action film The Real Glory.30 Released two years before Pearl Harbor and set in Mindanao in 1906, the film features a unit of Marines gung-ho to crush a 'suicidal' Moro uprising. Stereotypical portrayals abound.31 It is also Hollywood's first movie about American warrior-heroes fighting Islamic 'terrorists.'

One memorable scene is where Gary Cooper (as the heroic Marine doctor Cpt. Canavan on this most Western 'Christian' frontier of America) tries to frighten the Moros by threatening to wrap any terrorist the Americans kill in a pigskin and bury him. And 'of course' the Moros quail, panicked over the chilling prospect of defilement, supposedly barring their entry forever into Paradise. What is the possible source of this distinctively racist Orientalism in the film? A legend began to circulate around 1911 that Gen. Pershing had threatened Muslim guerrillas on Mindanao with execution and burial in 'pigskins with hog guts poured over their bodies'-and that this measure had served to demoralize them and stop their violence. There is indeed some evidence that a Col. Alexander Rodgers (6th Cavalry) under his command did resort to this 'tactic.' In any event, it reappears in the 1939 movie and has more recently resurfaced both in Israel and in connection with Operation Enduring Freedom in Afghanistan in 2002. Sen. Bob Graham of Florida was reported as suggesting at a gathering in Washington that maybe the military could think about burying al Qaeda activists in pigskins, as intrepid John Pershing had done with Moros in the Philippines a century ago, while forcing fellow terrorists to look on in horror. That stratagem would perhaps help hasten victory in the 'war on terrorism.' In Israel, the daily Yediot Aharanot carried a story in 2001 that Sharon's Deputy Police Minister Gideon Esra had floated the idea the Israeli government bury any Muslim 'terrorists' they could lay hands on, especially the remains of suicide bombers, in pigskins-as a deterrent to help quell the Intifada. Rumors have circulated that settlers in Gush Katif (Gaza Strip) and residents of Efrat, a Jewish settlement near Bethlehem, buried the body of a dead 'terrorist' in pigskin and lard. Shlomo Riskin, Efrat's chief rabbi, has defended the practice as a tactic: "If burial in pigskin will deter suicide bombers, then it is incumbent on us to do this. We should do anything to save life."32

The Bells of Balangiga-Dark Day for American Empire

The second point in the triangulation, Sept. 28, 1901, is linked with a direct integument to the presidential assassination. On that Sunday morning, insurrectos attacked C Company of the Ninth Infantry regiment in the village of Balangiga on Samar island, killing more than half of the company and wounding most of the others (Nebrida). That fateful forenoon, the company was preparing for a memorial service for the slain Commander-in-Chief McKinley, the news of whose assassination they had received on Sept. 26. Back in the states and within the military high command, this attack was compared to Custer's Last Stand, the worst single 'massacre' of American soldiers in the Philippine war. In its wake, U.S. retaliation was swift and ferocious. Gen. Jake Smith launched his extermination offensive in Samar against the native population, telling his field commanders to make Samar a howling wilderness, "I want no prisoners, I wish you to kill and burn: the more you kill and burn, the better you will please me. " He wanted "everybody killed capable of bearing arms [...] over ten years of age" (Slotkin, 119). Estimates are that some 42,000 Filipinos perished in the 'howling wilderness' operation.

The three church bells in Balangiga, used to signal to the insurrectos to attack the garrison, were immediately seized by the U.S. army. Two of these bells are still kept as a war trophy on display at Warren AFB outside Cheyenne (!), and the Philippine government has been attempting over the past two years to have them returned to Balangiga. There is a current campaign demanding that the bells be returned to the Philippines-as a reminder to the people of the atrocities carried out by U.S. imperialism and the heroism of those who dared to resist. The other bell is with C Company, still stationed on the Pacific Rim, in South Korea.

Drama from a Filipino Margin: a Post-Colonial Text

The textual mosaic in this focus can introduce students to a recent drama by Rodolfo Carlos Vera, The Bells of Balangiga, which has toured in the Philippines and was also staged in New York. Its script or resume can be included in the focus as a contemporary literary text in English which embodies a counterdiscourse, written by an American of Filipino descent.33 Filipinos and Filipino-Americans have not forgotten the carnage. Its memorialization is a kind of countermemory that Said called for, a conscious effort to amplify the voices of the historically marginalized.

"Days of Loathing and Nights of Fear"

Further poetic texts in the discursive mix can include Twain's "The War Prayer," dictated in 1904 in response to the aftermath of the bloody anti-guerrilla war in the Philippines, a 'prayer by a lunatic' that echoes our present:

[...] O Lord our God, help us to tear their soldiers to bloody shreds with our shells; help us to cover their smiling fields with the pale forms of their patriot dead; help us to drown the thunder of the guns with the shrieks of their wounded, writhing in pain; help us to lay waste their humble homes with a hurricane of fire; help us to wring the hearts of their unoffending widows with unavailing grief; help us to turn them out roofless with little children to wander unfriended the wastes of their desolated land in rags and hunger and thirst [...].34

Contrast this poem with Richard Hovey's patriotic effusion of the time "Unmanifest Destiny," which begins: "To what new fates, my country, far / And unforeseen of foe or friend, / Beneath what unexpected star/ Compelled to what unchosen end."35 The Twain text can also be seen in the spirit of Twain's last work, published posthumously, The Mysterious Stranger (c. 1906),36 a dark vision of human morality worth examining in this context of the American war in the Pacific. The primal poetic text is of course Kipling's "The White Man's Burden,"37 published in McClure's in February 1899 in specific reference to the Philippines conquest.

Numerous anti-imperialist texts can be added to the mix, available online from the Zwick site; and pro-imperialist texts from the Mt. Holyoke College site "Documents." For example, Edgar Lee Masters' "The Philippine Conquest," a classic anti-imperial statement by a major poet of the era.38 And this anti-war poem from Masters' Spoon River Anthology (1915), likewise a classic, perhaps the most famous 'anti' poem about the Philippine war:

  Harry Wilmans

I was just turned twenty-one,
And Henry Phipps, the Sunday-school superintendent,
Made a speech in Bindle's Opera House.
"The honor of the flag must be upheld," he said,
"Whether it be assailed by a barbarous tribe of Tagalogs
Or the greatest power in Europe."
And we cheered and cheered the speech and the flag he waved
As he spoke.
And I went to the war in spite of my father,
And followed the flag till I saw it raised
By our camp in a rice field near Manila,
And all of us cheered and cheered it.
But there were flies and poisonous things;
And there was the deadly water,
And the cruel heat,
And the sickening, putrid food;
And the smell of the trench just back of the tents
Where the soldiers went to empty themselves;
And there were the whores who followed us, full of syphilis;
And beastly acts between ourselves or alone,
With bullying, hatred, degradation among us,
And days of loathing and nights of fear
To the hour of the charge through the steaming swamp,
Following the flag,
Till I fell with a scream, shot through the guts.
Now there's a flag over me in Spoon River!
A flag! A flag!39

Intriguing here as in Beveridge is the recurrent geopolitical imagery of the 'flag,' an abiding arch-icon and quasi-festish of American patriotism. Other anti-imperial texts include William James' "The Philippine Tangle," numerous speeches and essays by Bryan, Samuel Gompers, William Graham Sumner and others, among them an anonymous working-class voice "A Lament from Kentucky," by "a mother."40

Simulating the Imperial Past

Hands-on engagement: the role play by Kohen "White Man's Burden" developed at Chico High in northern California can be utilized in secondary school and university classes, with students taking advocacy positions pro and con.


Useful texts and collections to draw a line to the third date in the triangle-Sept. 11, 2001-are Vidal (2002), along with Hazen (2002), Chomsky (2001), Bennis (2002) and Zinn (2002). Students will of course have their own direct interest in contemporary discourse, especially conjunct with the American venture in Iraq,41 and in its genealogies. How this cameo of savage violence can be viewed in connection with the current "imperial grand strategy" and its genealogy is a provocative topic for classroom discussion and analysis. In what ways can 9-11 be seen as an instance of 'blowback'? How does the focus developed here serve as a kind of Polaroid lens through which to see America's imperial present in deepened perspective, Republican Empire redux?

Some Desiderata for Research

The blueprint pursued points up several avenues for more focused research:

  • Under-representation: the representation of the Philippines war in American belles-lettres of the era and after remains fallow field, an underplowed furrow in inquiry. Investigation should extend to texts by non-canonic authors, magazine stories, poems in newspapers, perhaps dramatic literature, including amateur theater. What was being performed on more 'political' amateur stages? Brüning (1966, 213-238) has explored in detail the American anti-war drama of the 1930s. A surprising fact in his treatment is that virtually all anti-war drama in the American theater in the 1930s centered on WWI. Goldstein (1974) likewise makes no mention of any play dealing with this complex. Slotkin (442) states that after the Roosevelt administration subjugated the islands, the "'White Man's Burden' ceased to be a major subject for either political agitation or popular fiction [...] There was no Philippine equivalent of the Western dime or pulp novel." Why were elite cultural voices so silent? How can we account for this 'eclipse' of American colonialism in public and progressive awareness? Were working-class media (labor union media, political papers) more outspoken? For example, Caroline Pemberton's forgotten novel The Charity Girl, serialized in the International Socialist Review in 1902, foregrounds the Spanish-American War as an "imperialistic act." Its hero Julian is converted to Marxism while nearly starving to death as a volunteer in a state militia unit in 1898, awaiting deployment to Cuba (Rideout, 24-25). The leftwing arts journal The Comrade (1901-1905) may have several forgotten texts relating to the ongoing war and colonial conquest (ibid., 21-23). As can other submerged 'little magazines' and newspapers of the era, in English and immigrant languages.42 More generally, our analytical sights are too blinkered by concentration on the 'canon' rather than the broad almost fractal array of what popular imaginative literature is and was. The vast expanse of non-canonical belles-lettres and its representations of the myriad reticulations of various 'nodes' highlighted above needs more depth analysis.

  • Broadening the aperture: there is need for text and discourse analysis of a far broader spetrum of political-rhetorical genres (especially political and media) from the era commenting on imperialism and the savage war, nodal themes of 'Anglo-Saxon racial superiority and destiny' and related topics in the complex imaginary of Manifest Destiny. Including speeches before Congress and in numerous other venues. By politicians big-time and small. Some of that textual material is lost or buried. Fourth of July 1900/1901/1902 speeches in the small-town Midwest, for example. These should be analyzed within a hermeneutics of possible reception and impact on an American public structured by class, ethnic origin, gender and other positionings.
  • Anarchism: in particular, more analysis is needed of anarchist discourse from the period, a major oppositional socialist current on the urban and rural American left. These texts often appeared in immigrant print media, esp. Yiddish, Italian, German, Greek and the Slavic languages, if they were published. Or may still exist in manuscript form, for example in the closed archives of the Justice Department in Washington (Rideout 1956, 90). Much such counterdiscourse in America transversing decades was not in English. For example, German anarchist genres in America remain poorly researched. As do theYiddish sources, a truly vast field. Correspondence by social anarchists to comrades and friends and family is a fascinating almost subterranean stratum of countertalk in a highly ephemeral genre.
  • The racialist geopolitical imaginary: parallels between North American discourses and ideologies of Social Darwinism, Anglo-Saxonism, racialism and eugenics in their political implications and configurations can be researched in particular by students of English Studies in Germany, within a comparative frame to the period 1900-1933. The reception for example of H. S. Chamberlain's theories and race-hinged 'Aryan' historiography in the U.S. remains a theme that can be explored in new directions.43
  • Imperial cultural rhetorics: how can a 'cultural rhetorics' (Döring 1995) of Empire and Manifest Destiny be applied to illuminate the specific tropes and topoi in ideologemes of American imperial discourse and their translation into practice over a complex of time frames, forming an "interplay of voices and positioned utterances," relating them to a more 'comparative' cross-national repertoire'?

Other questions and foci could come to mind. A multiple hermeneutic needs to trained on the now most powerful state in history.


Works Cited

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Barber, Benjamin. Jihad vs. McWorld. New York: Ballantine, 1996.
Benesch, S. Critical English for Academic Purposes: Theory, Politics and Practice. Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum, 2002.
Bennis, Phyllis. Before & After: U. S. Foreign Policy & the September 11th Crisis. New York: Interlink, 2002.
Beveridge, Albert J. The Meaning of the Times. Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill, 1908.
----. The Life of John Marshall, 4 vols. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1916-19.
----. The Young Man and the World. New York: Appleton, 1906.
Bowers, Claude. Albert J. Beveridge and the Progressive Era. New York: The Literary Guild, 1932.
Braeman, John. Albert J. Beveridge: American Nationalist. Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1971.
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Campbell, David. Writing Security: United States Foreign Policy and the Politics of Identity. Minneapolis: Univ. of Minnesota Press, 1992.
Carey, George W. "Paterson, New Jersey, Anarchism," in Mari Jo Buhle, Paul Buhle, and Dan Georgakas, eds. Encyclopedia of the American Left. Urbana: Univ. of Illinois Press, 1992, pp. 560-62.
Chase, Alan. The Legacy of Malthus: The Social Costs of the New Scientific Racism. New York: Alfred Knopf, 1977.
Chomsky, Noam. 9-11. New York: Seven Stories, 2001.
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Clarke, M. A Place to Stand: Essays for Educators in Troubled Times. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2003.
Coleman, Dan. The Anarchist: a Novel. Chapel Hill: Willowbrook Press, 2001.
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Foner, Eric and John A. Garraty, eds., The Reader's Companion to American History. Boston: Houghton Miffllin, 1991.
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Hofstadter, Richard. Social Darwinism in American Thought. Boston: The Beacon Press, 1955.
Jameson, Fredric. The Political Unconscious: Narrative as a Socially Symbolic Act. Ithaca: Cornell UP, 1981.
Johnston, Chalmers. Blowback: the Costs and Consequences of American Empire. New York: Metropolitan Books, 2000.
Johnston, B. Values in English Language Teaching. Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum, 2003.
Karnow, Stanley. In Our Image: America's Empire in the Philippines. New York: Random House, 1989.
Kohen, Robert. "'White Man's Burden': The Expansionist/Anti-Imperialist Debate at the Turn of the Century." Retrieved October 17, 2003 from .
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Longley, Clifford. Chosen People: the Big Idea that Shapes England and America. London: Hodder and Stoughton, 2002.
Markee, N., ed. Language in development. Special-topic issue of TESOL Quarterly 36/3 (2002).
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Pennycook, Alastair, ed. 'Critical Approaches to TESOL,' TESOL Quarterly 33, no. 3 (autumn 1999).
----. Critical Applied Linguistics: A Critical Introduction. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 2001.
Rideout, Walter B. The Radical Novel in the United States 1900-1954. New York: Hill and Wang, 1956.
Roosevelt, Theodore. The New Nationalism. New York: Outlook Co., 1910.
Ryan, James. R. Picturing Empire. Photography and the Visualization of the British Empire. Chicago: U of Chicago Press, 1997.
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Slotkin, Richard. Gunfighter Nation: The Myth of the Frontier in Twentieth Century America. New York: HarperPerennial, 1993.
Strong, Josiah. Our Country. New York: The Home Missionary Society, 1885.
Templer, Bill. "God's New Israel, Redeemer Nation and the Political Theology of Imperial Genocide: Timothy Dwight's The Conquest of Canaan Contextualized," Cairo Studies in English, 2002.
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Vidal, Gore. Perpetual War for Perpetual Peace. An Answer to the Question: Why are We Hated So Much Around the World. New York: The Nation Books, 2002.
Williams, William Appleman, "The Frontier Thesis and American Foreign Policy," in Henry W. Berger, ed., A William Appleman Williams Reader. Chicago: Ivan R. Dee, 1992. 89-104.
----. "Imperial Anticolonialism," ibid., 116-132.
----. "The Age of Corporation Capitalism, 1882-," ibid., 239-257.
----. "A Survey of the Territory," ibid., 276-323.
----. "Expansion, Continental and Overseas," in Foner and Garraty, The Reader's Companion, 364-68.
Zinn, Howard. A People's History of the United States: 1492-Present. New York: Harper-Perennial, 1995.
----. Terrorism and War. New York: Seven Stories, 2002.
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1 Online at, retrieved Oct. 22, 2003.

2 See

3 Jameson (1981, 115) defines 'ideologeme,' the smallest intelligible unit of ideology, as "a historically determinate conceptual or semic complex which can project itself variously in the form of a 'value system' or 'philosophical concept,' or in the form of a protonarrative, a private or collective narrative fantasy." Manifest Destiny is an ideologeme in this sense.

4 On critical pedagogies in the EFL classroom, see Pennycook (1999, 2001), Benesch, Johnston (2003), Markee; see also Clarke, and Edge (2003). Useful for critical history are Zinn (1995; 2003) and Loewen (1996).

5 Cooperation in the war against Islamic separatist movements in the southern Philippines was a major theme in George Bush's speech before the Philippine Congress in Manila on Oct. 18, 2003.

6 As Bennis notes, "Throughout 2001 --before AND after September 11th -- the foreign policy of the U.S. remained the policy of a strategically unchallenged dominion, at the apogee of its power and influence, rewriting the global rules for how to manage its empire" (2001). This was written long before the Iraqi war and occupation.

7 In a seminal and prescient book Blowback, the American political historian Chalmers Johnson (2000) argued that "terrorism is a strike at the innocent to reveal the sins of the invulnerable," predicting it could become as common as baseball in American life in the 21st century as the victimized on the peripheries of the American empire strike back at its heart. The term 'blowback' is a CIA expression for unintended consequences of covert operations.

8 The June 25, 1876 defeat of the 7th Cavalry by the Lakota Sioux, Cheyenne and Arapaho under Crazy Horse, Sitting Bull and other chiefs, 'Custer's Last Stand.'

9 Two excellent websites for this era are Zwick and "Documents."

10 Williams is of course a key figure in the shift in radial historiography driven by the contradictions of the Vietnam War (Andréolle 2000).

11 On the lasting impact of Adams' thinking, well into the Cold War (and perhaps today), see Williams, "The Frontier"; cf. also Hofstadter, 186-89.

12 See also Tuveson, chaps. iv. and v., and Templer (2002), where a much forgotten text, the first great work of post-colonial American literature, Timothy Dwight's epic The Conquest of Canaan, is analyzed in terms of its late Puritan invocation of the biblico-imperial myth of Joshua as part of a foundation myth of America. Dwight may well have indeed coined the term 'manifest destiny' in his eulogy on the death of Washington long before the 1840s: "Washington [...] like Moses [...] delivered his people from tyranny and slavery, guiding them toward a new and not-yet-manifest destiny" (see Dwight, "A Discourse [...] on the Character of George Washington, Esq." (New Haven, 1800).

13 An illuminating perspective on the key concept of 'race' in Victorian 'regimes of colonial representation' and anthropology is provided in Ryan (1997), esp. 140-82.

14 For an overview, see William Appleman Williams, "Expansion."

15 In the summer of 1900, Harper's Weekly branded William Jennings Bryan part of the "vanguard of the Boxers" and the Democrat convention in July which nominated him for president as a "Boxer Convention."

16 Coleman debuted the book at the McKinley Memorial Library in Niles, Ohio on September 6, 2001, and was on tour in New York State discussing the novel and its implications when the terrorists struck on Sept. 11.

17 For more on Bresci, a Paterson, New Jersey silk weaver, the man who "made an American city famous," see Goldman. King Umberto had unleashed a horrible slaughter of impoverished peasant women protesting in Milano in 1898. On the extensive Italian anarchist activity in Paterson in this period, see Carey (1992).

18 "Leon Czolgosz." Retrieved Oct. 17, 2003 from

19 See the article "Speech that Prompted Murderous Assault on the President," Chicago Daily Tribune, Sept. 8, 1901, in ŽThe Emma Goldman Papers¯, online.

20 The at times unvarnished anti-Semitism in opposition to Jewish libertarians in this period is another element worth exploring, a significant strand in the many-braided complex of anti-Semitism in North America and its extended history.

21 Braeman is still the best biographical study on Beveridge; see also Bowers.

22 Awarded, for example, in 1973 with some historical irony to Richard Slotkin's Regeneration Through Violence.

23 For this and the following, see Braeman, passim.

24 Accessible online. Retrieved October 17, 2003 from

25 The corpus for students should include the full text of three speeches by him: "The March of the Flag" (1898), "Our Philippine Policy" (Jan. 1900) and "The Star of Empire" (Sept. 1900), all reprinted in Beveridge 1908. His book The Young Man and the World also contains intriguing essays, such as "The Young Man and the Nation," 334-65. Zwick offers numerous anti-imperialist texts, including the still topical platform of the Anti-Imperialist League (1899), essays by William Graham Sumner, William James and others.

26 A standard history is Karnow.

27 On the following, Slotkin, esp. 106-22.

28 See biography at, retrieved Oct. 21, 2003.

29 A mounting campaign has been under way since June 2002, with increasing international media coverage, featuring Abu Sayyaf styled as an 'al-Qaeda' jungle affiliate, a key stage in the 'war on terrorism.'

30 Perhaps in its title an echo and answer to the anti-war plays What Price Glory by Maxwell Anderson, Sidney Howard's Paths of Glory and Conkle's Prologue to Glory popular in the late 30s.

31 For example, the Filipino soldiers the Americans are trying to 'train' to fight the Moro rebels are, in this Orientalist slant, almost like inept children.

32 See "Urban Legends Reference Pages." Retrieved October 17, 2003 from

33 "The Bells of Balangiga," Revolutionary Worker, No. 939, January 1998. Retrieved October 11, 2001 from rwor/org/a/v19/930-39/939/bells.htm.

34 The full text is at, retrieved Oct. 17, 2003.

35 Full poem at, retrieved Oct. 20, 2003.

36 Available in full at, retrieved Oct. 22, 2003.

37 Full poem at

38 Text at, retrieved Oct. 20. 2003.

39 See, retrieved Oct. 22, 2003.

40 Texts at, retrieved Oct. 21, 2003.

41 On ELT in an occupied Iraq, see Templer (2003).

42 Also worth exploring are the full archives of the left-liberal weekly The Nation, now accessible for a modest fee in toto online. A student team could collect all relevant texts in the magazine from the period Jan. 1898 to Dec. 1908, for example, or any other texts over four decades pertaining to America's major colony. URL:

43 Useful here as a jumping-off point is Chase (1977).