Dinsmore Documentation  presents  Classics of American Colonial History

Author: Wright, Thomas Goddard.
Title: Literary Culture in Early New England, 1620-1730.
Citation: New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press; London: Humphrey Milford, Oxford University Press, 1920.
Subdivision:Chapter X
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Chapter X: The Production of Literature.

AS the previous chapters have shown, New England grew provincial after the middle of the century, and especially after the Restoration. This is shown most strikingly in the literature produced during this period. Literary movements in England had practically no influence across the sea. Of course the most important element in the English literature of the time, the dramatic, because of its very nature, could in no way stimulate literary activity where the drama was tabooed. Furthermore, most non-dramatic literature was written by Tories and Royalists, many of them courtiers, in whose writings New England Puritans could take little interest. It is not so easy to explain why Milton aroused no echo in New England; but it is evident to any student of the period that the chief writer of Boston, Cotton Mather, although he evidently knew “Paradise Lost” well, made no attempt to imitate the grandeur of its style, preferring the elaborate conceits and puns characteristic of the style which the earliest settlers brought over with them. In England there had been great changes; in New England the literary style, like the language, tended to remain fixed. The leaders of thought in Boston were generally as conservative in their writing as in their religious thinking, looking to the past rather than to the present or the future.

Where the influence of the earlier colonial verse-writers is not evident, as in Peter Folger’s “A Looking-Glass for the Times,” in some of Benjamin Tompson’s poems, and elsewhere, as in some of the poetry of the almanacs, the style seems either original, or else derived from ballads or hymns, the metres especially resembling those of the ballad or short

1 See p. 143 ff., above.

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or common metre hymn. There is absolutely no suggestion of contemporary English poetry of the better kind here.

Very much the same thing is true of the prose of the period. The style of Cotton Mather in the “Magnalia,” written in the last decade of the seventeenth century, resembles, as does his father’s style, the prose writings of such Englishmen as Robert Burton and Thomas Fuller, who belong to the earlier part of the century.2

It is necessary to distinguish here between literary influences and influences of a political or even intellectual nature. Unresponsive as the people of New England were to literary movements, they were in close touch not only with English politics, but with certain philosophical movements. Their interest in politics was natural, as they were personally affected by what happened in London. Their familiarity with the scientific movement of the time has been noted.3 Their reaction to the writings of the Cambridge Platonists is more striking. The attempts of such writers as Joseph Glanvil and Henry More to prove the reality of the spiritual world culminated in “Sadducismus Triumphatus,” begun by Glanvil and finished by More in 1681. Three years later Increase Mather published his “Remarkable Providences” as a contribution to the growing body of material which sought to support the teachings of Glanvil and More. Within ten years New England had reacted to the belief in demons in

2 Cotton Mather’s love of quoting Latin and Greek, and even Hebrew, is a relic of the tendency which led Lord Coke, who died in 1633, to illustrate the knotty points and subtle distinctions of the law with 300 extracts from Virgil—and then boast of his achievement. (Mullinger, Cambridge in the Seventeenth Century, p. 64, note.) Before Cotton Mather was born, Samuel Butler had ridiculed this style of writing, calling it (Hudibras, Canto I, 93-98)

A Babylonish dialect,

Which learned pedants much affect:

It was a parti-colour’d dress

Of patch’d and piebald languages;

’Twas English cut on Greek and Latin,

Like fustian heretofore on satin.

3 See above, pp. 107 ff. and 142-3.

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an even more striking way, by the persecution of witches, especially at Salem. Witch-hunting did not begin in the colonies at that time, but the extent and violence of the Salem persecutions in contrast with the sporadic witchcraft cases in New England previous to 1680 would seem to be the result of a direct reaction to the Cambridge philosophers. The fact that Deodat Lawson, whose lecture at Salem Village, March 24, 1692, marked the beginning of the worst persecutions, had studied at Cambridge gave weight to his words and was largely responsible for the severity of the frenzy.

The provincialism of the period is nowhere better shown than in the growing preponderance of sermons in the publications of the local presses. In the eight years including 1682 and 1689, of the 133 books published in Boston, 56 were sermons, 39 more were of a religious nature, and of the remaining 38, 12 were almanacs, and 17 were proclamations or political pamphlets arising from the revolt against Andros in 1689.4 The lowest ebb of American literature was reached at this time; the only poetical items are Cotton Mather’s “A Poem Dedicated to the Memory of . . . . Mr. Urian Oakes” and “An Elegy on . . . . Rev. Mr. Nathanael Collins,” Richard Steere’s “A Monumental Memorial of Marine Mercy,” and reprints of Wigglesworth’s “Meat out of the Eater” and “The Day of Doom.”

The dearth of literature is not relieved to any great extent, as in the first period, by publications abroad. Some colonial writings were published in England, but most of these, as Increase Mather’s accounts of the Indian wars, were reprints of books already printed in New England. One book, and that undoubtedly the most important book of the period,5 Cotton Mather’s “Magnalia Christi Americana,” was considered by its author sufficiently important to be sent

4 These figures are compiled from Evans’ American Bibliography, and include books printed in Cambridge.

5 Although not published until 1702, it was written about 1697.

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to England for its original publication; but this is rather the exception.

Some poetry of the period escaped publication at the time, and should be added in estimating the amount of literature produced; but this is much less in quantity than in the earlier period. Edward Taylor of Westfield filled a notebook with verse, none of which has ever been published, as the writer forbade publication. Many elegies, such as those preserved in Blake’s “Annals of Dorchester” and others passed on from generation to generation in family records, waited until later times for their appearance in public. But even these are not sufficient either in amount or in merit to bring the production of this period to the level of either the earlier or the later periods.

All this does not mean that there were no writings of literary value during these years, for that would not be true. The most interesting and important of the writings of the two Mathers belong to this period: “Remarkable Providences,” “The Wonders of the Invisible World,” and the “Magnalia Christi Americana.” To these must be added the four clever political fables which Cotton Mather wrote in defence of his father’s activities as agent of the Colony.6 Robert Calef’s “More Wonders of the Invisible World” also deserves mention here for its rationality, which gives it, in contrast with the Mather witchbooks, a surprisingly modern tone. Another modern seeming book is Sewall’s anti-slavery pamphlet, “The Selling of Joseph.”

The poetry of the period was inferior to the prose; there was, however, some verse with poetic merit. One example of a poem which is at least natural, and not without humor, has been printed in part on page 91, Samuel Bailey’s “The College Ferula.” Of the conceits which marred much of the colonial poetry perhaps the most effective and fitting is the one used by Joseph Capen at the end of his elegy upon John Foster, printer and almanac maker:

6 Printed in the Prince Society Andros Tracts, ii. 325 ff.

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Thy Body which no activeness did lack

Now’s laid aside like an old Almanack

But for the present only’s out of date;

Twil have at length a far more active State.

Yea, though with dust thy body Soiled be,

Yet at the Resurrection we Shall See

A fair Edition & of matchless worth,

Free from Errata, new in Heav’n Set forth:

Tis but a word from God the great Creatour,

It Shall be Done when he Saith IMPRIMATUR.,

The concluding stanzas of Urian Oakes’ lament for Thomas Shepard are worth quoting, although the greater part of this elegy exhibits the usual faults of New England poetry.

In vain we build the prophets’ sepulchers,

In vain bedew their tombs with tears, when dead;

7 “It has been thought,” writes Samuel A. Green, in his study of John Foster (page 35), “that the closing lines of Capen’s Elegy suggested to Franklin the quaint epitaph which he wrote for himself.” The parallel is so interesting that the epitaph is given here for comparison:

The body of Benjamin Franklin, printer, (like the cover of an old book, its contents torn out, and stript of its lettering and gilding) lies here food for worms; yet the work itself shall not be lost, for it will (as he believed) appear once more in a new and more beautiful edition, corrected and amended by the author.

The parallel becomes more interesting when we carry it back a generation to Benjamin Woodbridge’s elegy upon John Cotton, who died in 1652. Presumably the elegy was written soon after that date.

A living, breathing Bible; tables where

Both covenants, at large, engraven were;

Gospel and law, in’s heart, had each its column;

His head an index to the sacred volume;

His very name a title-page; and next,

His life a commentary on the text.

O, what a monument of glorious worth,

When, in a new edition, he comes forth,

Without erratas, may we think he’ll be

In leaves and covers of eternity!

It would be remarkable if Woodbridge’s figure of speech should have recurred twice unconsciously; if it was used consciously, it forms a curious link between the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries in American literature.

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In vain bewail the deaths of ministers,

Whilest prophet-killing sins are harboured.

Those that these murtherous traitors favour, hide;

Are with the blood of Prophets deeply dy’d.

New-England! know thy heart-plague: feel this blow;

A blow that sorely wounds both head and heart,

A blow that reaches all, both high and low,

A blow that may be felt in every part.

Mourn that this great man’s fain in Israel:

Let it be said, “with him New-England fell!”

Farewell, dear Shepard! Thou art gone before,

Made free of Heaven, where thou shalt sing loud hymns

Of high triumphant praises ever more,

In the sweet quire of saints and seraphims.

Lord! look on us here, clogg’d with sin and clay,

And we, through grace, shall be as happy as they.

My dearest, inmost, bosome-friend is gone!

Gone is my sweet companion, soul’s delight!

Now in an hud’ling croud I’m all alone,

And almost could bid all the world “Goodnight.”

Blest be my Rock! God lives: O let him be,

As He is All, so All in All to me!

Whereas literary production during the first period of colonial life was in keeping with the culture of the people, during the second period literature lagged behind culture. The chief reason for this, provincialism, has already been discussed. While the culture, although not as low as it has often been pictured, had grown somewhat provincial, the literature had become entirely divorced from English literary movements. The colonists did have London books; but their ears could not catch the note of the literary activity which centered in London. There were other reasons for this than the width of the Atlantic. The Restoration had in time brought about the loss of charter and privileges; and thus began that long struggle between colonist and

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crown which was to monopolize the interest and energy of the people of New England for over a century. Cotton Mather was eager to peruse any books which his father might bring from England; but he was vastly more interested in the charter which his father might bring back for the colony and indirectly for the college. Whether the ministerial party headed by himself and his father would be able to control the colony; whether the orthodox element in New England could continue to guide the college;—these matters were vastly more important than the fact that a new period in English literature was developing. Even if this had not been the case, the tremendously busy life which Cotton Mather led was enough to make careful literary work impossible. As Barrett Wendell writes,

Until one actually inspects the documents, it seems incredible that in forty-five years any single human being could have penned so many words as we thus see to have come from the hand of one of the busiest ministers, one of the most insatiable scholars and readers, and one of the most active politicians whom America has ever known.8

Cotton Mather himself referred to the difficulties of literary work in the face of his other activities:

. . . . I have been forced . . . . to throw by the work [the “Magnalia”] whole months together, and then resume it, but by a stolen hour or two in the day, not without some hazard of incurring the title which Coryat put upon his History of his Travels, “Crudities hastily gobbled up in five months.”9 If I could redeem the Time, now and then to dress up sublime Thoughts in an agreeable Metre, I might in Time, have a Collection, which may prove a profitable and an acceptable Entertainment, unto the Church of God.10

Two extracts from his diary show his hasty manner of writing.

8 Literary History of America, p. 47.

9 Magnalia, i. 32.

10 Diary, ii. 335.

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The Printer, wanting something to fill the last Leaf of his Almanack, for the year, 1699, came unto mee, to furnish him. . . . . I took my Opportunity, and wrote a few pungent Lines, concerning the Changes, which may bee coming as a Snare upon the Earth. . . .11

There is printing a new Edition of our Psalm-book. In every former Edition, that excellent Portion of Scripture, the 36th Chapter of isaiah, was in such a metre, that few of our Churches could sing it. Wherefore I this day, took a few Minutes, to turn it into another Metre, with perhaps, a smoother and sweeter Version. So tis published in the Psalm book; . . . 12

As, in spite of the unfavorable circumstances under which they were composed, Cotton Mather’s productions taken all in all are not without literary merit, it is interesting to surmise what he might have done in literature had he not been so distracted by other things, including the constant abuse of his health by vigils and fasts.13 The one man in New England who had the greatest familiarity with English literature, whose mind was a veritable storehouse of learning of every kind, never gave what literary ability he may have had an opportunity to develop.

What is true of Cotton Mather is true in less degree of all New England. Life was too full of other interests to allow much energy to be devoted to literary work. During the seventies the colonists were carrying on a bitter war with the Indians, a war which cost the United Colonies over £100,000 and many lives. During the eighties public interest was absorbed by the struggle to maintain colonial rights against the encroachments of Randolph and Andros. In the last decade of the century began the struggle between the ministerial party, headed by the Mathers, and the more liberal party for the control of the government and the college.

11 Ibid., i. 276. The article appeared in Tulley’s Almanack for 1699.

12 Ibid., i. 300.

13 Tyler, in his History of American Literature, ii. 76, says, “ . . . it was computed that, in the course of his life, the number of his special fast-days amounted to four hundred and fifty.”

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The censorship still added its restraint to the other influences which retarded literary production. According to their instructions, provincial governors held complete control of the press. Before Andros came, Randolph, as secretary of the province, had appointed an official printer and had sent the following notice to the other printers:

I am com˜anded by Mr Secretary Randolph, to give you notice that you doe not proceed to print any Almanack whatever without haveing his approbation for ye same.

Yors Ben: Bullivant

Boston: 29 Novembr 1686.14

Soon after the installation of Governor Andros the proceedings of his Council contained this entry:

The Councill being met His Exce acquainted them that it was his Majties express commands that the printing Presses in the Towns of Boston and Cambridge in New England should be effectuall [sic] taken care of. Upon which an order passed in Councill, that no Papers, Bookes Pamphlets &c should be printed in New England untill Licensed according to Law. . . 15

Andros’ loss of power did not end the censorship, for the House of Representatives in November, 1689, passed orders to control the press.16 The first newspaper in America, Publick Occurrences, both Foreign and Domestick, was suppressed immediately upon the appearance of its first number, unlicensed, on September 25, 1690.16 In 1695 action was brought against Thomas Maule of Salem for circulating a book of his which he had had published in New York.16 He was acquitted by jury, but the fact that action was brought against him shows that the censorship was active.

The final reason for the low estate of literature during this period was the lack of any sympathetic support by either the reading public or any literary coterie. Enough literature

14 Duniway, Freedom of the Press in Massachusetts, p. 64.

15 Ibid., p. 65.

16 Ibid., p. 67 ff.

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from England was available through the booksellers for those who were interested in literature, and from the local presses only books of purely local interest were expected, such as contemporary sermons, almanacs, and political pamphlets. It is true that “Pilgrim’s Progress” was reprinted on one of the New England presses,17 but this was exceptional for the period, and is counterbalanced by the fact that such a local book as the “New England Primer” seems to have been printed first in England.18

Group interest in literature as literature, or any mutual encouragement toward the production of literature, is not in evidence until the very end of the period. The influx of books through the many booksellers who came to Boston after 168519 could not but have some effect upon literary production in New England; but results are not evident until the very end of the period, and are more noticeable in the opening years of the eighteenth century. The earliest indication of any group interest in literature is found in the literary friendship between Samuel Sewall and Richard Henchman, schoolmaster, which probably began before the year 1700, the first evidence of it being given in Henchman’s poem to Sewall under date of January 1, 1700-1. There is more evidence of their mutual interest in poetry during the years that follow, as will be shown in Chapter XIV.

In conclusion, then, it may be said that although this period marks the nadir of American literature, at the end of the period, thanks to the activities of the Boston booksellers and to renewed intercourse with England, there was beginning a literary movement in New England which was to develop rapidly in the opening years of the new century.

17 Bunyan’s prefatory verses to the second part of Pilgrim’s Progress, published in 1684, refer to an edition of the first part printed in New England. This was printed in 1681 by Samuel Green for Samuel Sewall. A copy of this edition is in the Boston Public Library.

18 At least a New England Primer was printed in England by John Gaine in 1683. As all copies have disappeared, it is impossible to ascertain to what extent it resembled the New England Primer printed by Benjamin Harris about 1690. (See the letter by Worthington C. Ford in The Nation, January 11, 1917, p. 46.)

19 See p. 116 ff, above.

Dinsmore Documentation  presents  Classics of American Colonial History

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